The North-sea storm, when not a rag of sail To look upon a sight more terrible Than armies can present: so launch your joke; Possess the Lion's heart Go where he will, your Bear shan't shame his leader.' Such passages as these will not be thrown away on either auditors or readers but they could not secure a brilliant destiny for the play. Art. 29. Tekeli; or the Siege of Montzatz. A Melo-drame, in Three Acts, as performed with distinguished Success at the TheatreRoyal, Drury Lane. By Theodore Edward Hook, Esq. The 8vo. 2s. Cand R. Baldwin. 1836., Music by Mr. Hook, sen. A mere vehicle for scenery and music; which cannot challenge commendation, and scarcely ought to provoke criticism. POLITICS. Art. 32. 1806. In cases of Impeachment, the House of Commons may be considered in some respects as the Grand Jury which find the bill, and the House of Lords as the court in which the individual against whore Between the finding the bill and the the bill is found must be tried. trial, the person accused must necessarily incur the suspicion of guilt; and though the count, before whom he is tried, should entirely ac quit him, it is not the practice of the Grand Jury to re-consider the case, and to pronounce that they were in error. It will be said, however, that the House of Commons did more in the case of Lord Melville than merely find the bill, or confirm the charges exhibited against. him that they were in a certain degree Judges; and, in consequence of their judgment, not only were charges presented against Lord M. at the bar of the Upper House, but his Majesty was addressed to inflict an immediate punishment on him, by removing him from his councils, &c. How far it is right to urge the Commons to rescind the resolutions which preceded the Impeachment, is a matter which demands some deliberation Would not this measure bar future proceediugs by Impeachment? Is it, moreover, the way to induce the House of Commons to adopt such a measure, by representing their proceedings against Lord M. as the result of faction,' of a jacobin majority,' and a majority procured;' or intimating that the persons accusing were instigated by interest or revenge? 6 · Beyond a doubt, Mr Whitbread, and the party in the House of Commons which acted with him, proceeded in the case of Lord Melville on the purest motives of public duty; and though that nobleman was found not guilty of the charges preferred against him, by a majority of his judges, it does not appear that the movers and con dactors ductors of the prosecution merit any such censure as the rescinding of the resolutions would convey. What other public redress, after a far more vexatious and protracted trial, had Mr. Hastings, than an absolution from the charge? Art. 31. The State of the Negotiation; with Details of its Progress and Causes of its Termination, in the Recall of the Earl of Lauderdale. Second Edition. 8vo. pp. 90. 2s. 6d. Stockdale. 18c6. Those persons who, in the newspapers and in conversation, have represented the present publication as in any degree official, most certainly did not mean to pay government a compliment: for a more doll and uninstructive performance has rarely been ushered into light under any circumstances of pretension; and the writer is as much dehcient in discernment respecting political matters, as he is destitute of information in all that relates to them. To this charge, however, his description of the late confederacy, and the situation in which its defeat left Europe, are indeed exceptions; since, though they are in many respects faulty, they have some claims to merit. It is not, indeed, from the incapacity of this writer to define political objects, to state the views of cabinets, and to vindicate the measures and plans of ministers, that we question his ever having been honoured with ministerial confidence: but this is to be collected from his lame, unsub. stantial, and incoherent account of the negotiation. The details of it which have been published by the enemy, garbled as they are, suf ficiently prove that the representations given in these pages are as inaccurate as they are flimsy. Respectable booksellers ought to protect the public against such attempts to impose on it, as the present instance has exemplified. Hard necessity may drive an author to these dishonourable artifices : but what can be said in mitigation of those who, not languishing under the same temptation, lend themselves conscious and willing acces saries to the fraud? Art. 32. An Address to Richard Brinsley Sheridan, Esq. on the Public and Private Proceedings during the late Election for Westminster; including the State of Domestic Politics at the Commencement of the Parliament, &c. &c. 8vo. pp. 63. 28- Stockdale junior. As our cause is that of the country, and our party is the public, we view the political contests of the day with no other feeling than such as is derived from their apparent tendency to affect the general weal; and so far are we from condemning those who subject to examination the conduct of public men, that we deem them deserving of high commendation, if they shew themselves at all qualified for the office. If their motives appear to be pure and honorable, and if they display the requisite ability and information, whether we have agreed with them or not, we have never failed to offer them due praise while, on the other hand, we have made it a practice to expose ignorant and unprincipled pretenders, and to give no quarter to men who seek to attract notice by dealing in virulence, calumny, and falschood. We respect the press, and we venerate the the liberty which is allowed to it under our excellent form of government: but we are in the same proportion concerned when we see the one most vilely prostituted, and the other most grossly, wantonly, and willfully abused. Whether we have, on the present occasion, without just cause indulged in this train of thought, let our readers decide when they shall have cast their eyes over a few sentences which we shall borrow from the polluted pages before us. We repeat, as we have lately asserted, that we do not profess to be defenders and advo cates of the ingenious and eloquent Treasurer of the Navy: but we are desirous of holding out to reprobation, all outrages to truth, fairness, and decency. 'Yourself (says this writer, addressing Mr. Sheridan,) Mr. Fox, and all the other persons mentioned by Mr. Paul, these are the delinquents who justly merit the execration of the measure against the Marquis Wellesley; and who I trust will, one day, receive the reward due to the most diabolical conspiracy ever hatched in or out of Hell.' This conspiracy is no other than the inquiry into the conduct of Lord Wellesley, while Governor General of India! Is this language to be used, when speaking of a Parliamentary proceeding? Alluding to the opposition at the same period, the writer designates it as a sanguinary faction, then in open hostilities to the existing government of the country.' He then goes on thus; Mr. Pitt's death furnished fresh employment for the exercise of Mr. Fox's friends, the pursuit of the Marquis Wellesley was abandoned, upon the same principle that pirates quit the chase of a single vessel for the sanguinary hope of plundering a whole fleet; Mr. Fox, yourself, and others of your party, promptly determined that the certain plunder of the nation was preferable to the risk of pillaging an individual.' The affair at Maidstone is here again brought into discussion; and the author inserts, in the text of his work, part of a most detestable treasonable paper, which was found on O'Coigley, and by which he was convicted. He then states that, if Mr. Sheridan was ignorant of the paper in question, this ignorance must have been caused by a sort of miracle. His words are, if it were possible such a miracle could have happened.'-Construing the testimony given. by Mr. Sheridan and others in favour of O'Connor, as extending to the nefarious proceedings in which it was discovered that this person had been engaged, the writer hazards the following astonish. ing exclamations: Gracious God! are the men who could maintain such damnable doctrines, such hideous principles, permitted to enjoy the privilege of plundering this country? Are the men who openly applauded an invitation to the execrable Directory of France to invade England, the only men who can be found to defend the purity of its constitution, and the happiest monarchy in the known world? If the people will submit to such insults, if they will prepare their backs for packsaddles, and like patient asses crouch to the burthen, why, let them ;-hut let them not complain, at the same time, that their labour and industry is not sufficient to procure a meal's meat twice in a week!' Would Would this writer invite a popular insurrection?—The parties here libelled are too magnanimous to subject the libeller to the animadversion of the law: but we invoke the public to discountenance in a marked manner the ruffian spirit which is breathed in these coarse pages. Rarely has it been our lot to have our eyes offended by any thing more approaching the filth of Hebert and Marat, and their sanguinary associates. Of the author's violations of grammar, metaphor, and even orthography, it were too much conde scension to take notice. Art 33. The State of the Nation; in a Series of Letters to his Grace the Duke of Bedford. By John Cartwright, Esq. 8vo. PP. 172. 43. sewed. Jones. 1805. We have heard this upright and patriotic character classed with those who studiously labour to confound all social distinctions, to hold up public men to popular envy and jealousy, and to strip them of public confidence; and who deem it patriotic to traduce and vilify those whom their rank, station, and tried character point out as the most fit and proper to direct the affairs of their country. The first page of this tract sufficiently refutes such a calumny, and indicates that a very different disposition and temper animate the bosom of this veteran friend of liberty. 'MY LORD, The blood of a Russell, shed for his country's freedom, was not, we believe, shed in vain. The remembrance of such an event might not, it is true, have been necessary towards forming the Russells of the present day, to what we have seen them; because morality, a sound understanding, and the right exercise of that understanding, ought to be of themselves sufficient to make a man the friend of liberty, and a promoter of the happiness of his species: but doubtless a zest is given to patriotism, when it recalls to public recollection an illustrious ancestor, who, for the eminence of his virtue, fell a sacrifice to the malice of a tyrant, and the profligacy of his satellites. I address you, my Lord, and in your person I wish to address whatever is independent and high-minded of the nobility and gentry of our land; whatever there is among them of public spirit, or even of ordinary prudence, or of regard for posterity; since my subject is not only the present state of the nation, but to what that nation must rapidly degenerate, unless the counsels of better times be again resorted to; and disregarded, but sound maxims of government be once more revived.' Many of the topics, which are discussed in these pages, are now rendered deficient in interest, by the political changes which have taken place, since they were written; while others are interspersed through them, which are of deep and general concernment, and which well merit attention from all lovers of their country: but we cannot help thinking that even this zealous reformer will admit that, in the present crisis, it would not be wise to bring them under discussion. It is impossible, we think, to controvert this remark, however lamentable it may be on every'ground. Art. 34 England's gis; or, The Military Energies of the Con. stitution. By John Cartwright, Esq. Vol. II. Third Edition. The The First Edition made one part of An Appeal, Civil and Military, on the Subject of the English Constitution. 8vo. pp. 156. 4s. 6d. Boards. Johnson. 18:6. The remarks which we made on the preceding volume of this work are applicable to the present. The same spirit, the same good inten tions, the same diligence and ability, which were conspicuous in the one, are also characteristic of the other. Some positions, however, which occur in these pages, we deem very questionable: but even the statement of them could not be contained within the space which we can allow for publications of a temporary nature. The comparison which the author draws between his own system of national defence, and that of the Duke of Richmond, will be found not less interesting than it is candid. The justice which he so liberally renders to his predecessors on the same subject, the Earl of Liverpool, and Sir William Jones, bespeaks a highly honourable mind, and proves that the zeal of the patriot is untainted by the jealousy of the author. Art. 35. The Present Relations of War and Politics between Great Britain and France. Being a Reply to the Insinuations of the French to the Disadvantage of the Military Spirit of the British Nation, stating the Resources derived from its Character, with the Motives for entertaining no apprehensions from the Enemy: and exemplifying by History the Hostile Disposition of the French towards other Nations, and the means of resisting it successfully. By John Andrews, LL D. 8vo. pp. 119. Robinson. 1806. The very ample bill of fare, which the title page exhibits, fully apprizes us of the particulars of which the catertainment consists. If it be not so sumptuous and exquisite as the titles of the cook might lead us to expect, it is substantial and wholesome, grateful to the English palate, and of easy digestion. It is the Doctor's object to chase despondency from British bosoms, and to inspire the nation. with confidence in its own prowess and resources. He brands with ignominy those who would now divide and distract us ; and he justly represents it to be our wisdom, while the crisis lasts, to present the bold front of an united people to our insolent enemy. MILITARY AFFAIRS. Art. 36. A new and enlarged Military Dictionary, or alphabetical explanation of Technical Terms; containing a succinct account of the different systems of Fortification, Tactics, &c. Also the various French phrases and words that have an immediate, or relative, connection with the British service, or may tend to give general information on military subjects in either language. By Charles James, author of the Regimental Companion, &c. 2d Edition. ¿vo. Il. 13. Boards. Egerton. 1805. No doubt can be entertained that this very bulky volume affords a great variety of useful information, nor that it may also be defective in many particulars. The author hopes that the former will be allowed, and he himself candidly admits the latter. Indeed, a summary of the most extensive and laborious examination of the work may be * See Rev. Vol. xliii. N. S. p 430 also Vol. xxx. p. 3 +1. |