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The conduct of the government of Madras, in raising to the Musaud of the Carnatic a more distant branch of the reigning family, in exclusion of the legitimate successor, at one time excited a very considerable sensation in this country, and created a strong interest in favour of the deposed prince among the friends of justice and humanity. That proceeding has been recently characterized by an eloquent member of Parliament (Mr. Sheridan) as one of the most unjust, inhuman, and atrocious acts that ever stained the honour of the British name in India ;-yet the documents on which is founded this grave charge, which involves the character of the East India Company and its servants, the credit of the government, the vigilance of parliament, and the honour of the nation,-have lain three years on the table of the House of Commons, without any decision having been founded on them!-The very commendable object of the tract before us is to call afresh the attention of the public to a transaction which, as it has been generally stated, appears to have been as offensive and disgusting as any which lawless and unprincipled ambition ever perpetrated. it is the aim of the writer to extract the substance of the voluminous documents which respect this subject, in order to impress it on the public mind, and the understanding of the House: gratified it, says he, I engage but one member of that assembly to look dispassionately but thoroughly into the Carnatic correspondence: for I am persuaded that a perusal of it can leave him no choice: but, that he must be anxious day and night to remove the seeming temporary but tacit sanction of his country from a measure, for which policy can frame no excuse, nor power a pretext; and which, until it shall be disowned as the act of Englishmen, must leave a stigma on their character and name.' The particulars of the harsh treatment of the young prince are pathetically detailed; and the pretences, on which the measure was grounded, are minutely and elaborately sifted, as well as ably and fully exposed.

Of the iniquity of the transaction, no doubt can be entertained, if the facts in any degree resemble those which are here stated; and it must be of very pernicious tendency, to allow proceedings of this odious nature to remain unvisited by the justice of the country. We ought not to suffer men to yield to practices of this nature with impunity in any part of the British dominions; and if we do, we shall ourselves in the end justly fall the victims of our criminal negligence and lethargy. The actors in these scenes will return among us, and we shall suffer from the effects of those propensities and habits which we have allowed to be formed, and which we have wanted due zeal, activity, and firmness to punish and repress.

For the particulars of the cruel exclusion of the lawful prince Ally Hussein, and the flimsy and extravagantly absurd pretences on which the act was justified, we must refer to the able account and exposure of both which is contained in these pages. The friendly intercourse carried on between the Nabobs Wallasaw, Omdul ul Omrah, and Hyder and Tippoo, in times when we were at peace with the Court of Mysore,-carried on too at our desire, for the most part,-was construed into acts of treason in those chieftains; and this treason was visited on their innocent youthful descendant Ally Hussein, and as

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signed as the plea for excluding him from the throne of his ancestors. Most aptly does the author introduce the fable of the wolf and the lamb, to illustrate this foul proceeding.

Art. 14. The Speech of Randal Jackson, Esq., delivered at a General Court of East India Proprietors, on May 21st, 1805; held for the Consideration of certain Papers, respecting the Conduct of the Court of Directors, the Commissioners for the Affairs of India, and the late Governor-General. 8vo. IS. Stockdale. 1806. India proprietors are probably acquainted with the species of eloquence of which Mr. Jackson is master, and which is more easily recognized than characterized. We have to observe that, on the present occasion, the learned Barrister, without being more solid or convincing than usual, is less soaring; and that, without more of close reasoning, he displays less of imagination. In the following passage, the reader will perceive his old acquaintance, the orator of the India House: It is well known, how ingenious the princes of the East and their ministers are in all the arts of diplomatic deception. The Doctors of the Sorbonne are not profounder casuists, nor the disciples of Loyola more subtile intriguers.'

We had always considered that Mr. Jackson was a sort of Attorney-General of the Directors, but it appears that we have mistaken, or that the learned Gentleman occasionally shifts his post, since he now appears the tribune of the proprietors, and the champion of the late Governor-General. In this speech, he regards the Directors and Lord Wellesley as parties at issue, and opposes a motion which was intended to express the confidence of the proprietors in the former, because it might prejudge the case of the latter. This mode of proceeding, in its application to the instance of a government and its agents, has at least the merit of novelty. As we are neither Senators nor East India Proprietors, it might be deemed presumption in us to examine so high a subject; we shall therefore be contented with merely stating it, and leave it to be discussed and decided by those who may assume the arduous province without exposing themselves to disadvantageous imputations.

RELIGIOUS.

Sermons on Public Occasions, and a Letter on Theological Study, by Robert, late Abp. of York. To which are prefixed Memoirs of his Life, by George Hay Drummond, A. M. Prebendary of York. 8vo. 6s. Boards. Longman and Co.

As the collection of sermons, which this volume presents to the public, is in itself valuable, and they are become scarce from the lapse of time since each discourse was separately printed, we doubt not that the serious reader will consider himself indebted to the present Editor, for thus rebuilding a monument to the talents and acquirements of the late venerable metropolitan of York. To the sermons is subjoined a letter on theological study, addressed by the archbishop to a private friend, which contains some very valuable hints and directions for the younger students in divinity.The discourses themselves are six in number, and all of them were composed on some

public occasion: the first is written on the martyrdom of Charles the 1st; the second on the restoration of peace in 1749; the third in behalf of the charity schools of London and Westminster; the fourth was preached before the society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts; the fifth is a fast sermon delivered in 1759; and the sixth was preached at the coronation of their present Majesties. As the respective merits of each of these sermons have already been canvassed, it will be unnecessary for us to enter again into an investigation of their contents, farther than to state in general that they abound in good sense and sound argument, and are replete with wise maxims of policy, both in regard to the duty of governors and the obedience due from the governed.

Among other remarks on this noble prelate's conduct and character, the biographer observes,

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Whenever he mixed in debate, he shone with cuperior lustre; for though he rather neglected than cultivated this talent, nature had endowed him with it in an eminent degree, as those who recollect the part he took in several debates which were connected with that establishment, in which he filled so honourable a station, will readily allow. Nor was he more admired for the qualities which adorn a senate, than distinguished by those which rendered him useful in his profession and esteemed in society. His manners were noble as his birth; his disposition engaging, his friendship sincere; no man could better support the dignity of his station; no man was more affable, more condescending, and more accomplished in his general intercourse with the world; wherever he lived, hospitality presided; wherever he was present, elegance, festivity, and good humour were sure to be found. His very failings were those of a heart warm perhaps even to impetuosity; his virtues were those of a disposition formed for every thing amiable in private, every thing great in public life.'— Those who knew him best, will say that the predominant feature of his character was that union of sound sense, liberality, and goodness of heart, denominated candour. With respect to his literary attainments, there were few subjects of science with which he was not intimately acquainted; but his knowledge of history, ancient and modern, was most accurate, extensive, and profound. It was the favourite topic of his familiar hours of instruction with his children; when he gave, in a perspicuous and engaging manner, either the great lines of general history, deducing from thence the most useful remarks on government, manners, morals, and religion; or tracing particular events and actions to their genuine sources and motives, developed with acute discrimination, devoid of all political prejudice, the characters of individuals who had rendered themselves conspicuous on the great stage of life. In the course of these conversations, (the substance of many of which I recollect with grateful satisfaction, and only regret they had not been at the time committed to paper) he was particularly able in marking the connection between sacred and profane history, and elucidating, by the revolution of ages and the fate of nations, that train of inspired prophecy which "reacheth from one end to another mightily," and which is one great and continuallyimproving evidence of the truth of divine revelation. He availed

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himself of every opportunity to impress on our minds this important consideration, with all the zeal and fervour of honest conviction, founded on critical research and deep investigation of the subject.'

He was born November 10. 1711 and died December 10. 1776.Such is the character given of this excellent prelate, and if we may be allowed to form any judgment of its fidelity from the present surviving memorial of his talents and piety, we cannot hesitate to receive it as a just and impartial testimony to his merits both in his pastoral and his parental duties.

Art. 16. A Letter to Lord Porchester, on the present degraded State of the English Clergy. 8vo. 1S. Bell. 1806.

We have here a classical and eloquent effusion, on certain grievan ces occasioned by late enactments which respect the Clergy. The spirited author subjects the late regulations to the test of those principles which, it is now almost universally allowed, ought to govern human transactions. Why, he asks, should not the stipend of the curate, as in the case of wages in civil occupation, be left to be settled by the parties? it is a reflection on both to withdraw it from them.He expatiates on the incongruity and inconvenience of the existing statutes; and he states reasons sufficient to engender, in well informed minds, a disrelish for the recent laws relating to the clergy.

In yielding our cordial assent to most of the observations of this accomplished letter-writer, we do not mean to concede that, before the late enactments, abuses in regard to residence and the qualifica tions of officiating ministers did not exist, which required to be investigated and to be remedied: but we are inclined to think that the provisions adopted were not the best calculated to answer the intended purposes. We should be very unwilling to allow any third person to interpose in fixing the terms between the rector and his curate: but we should wish the Bishops and Heads of Colleges to see that no improper persons are admitted into holy orders; the salaries of the officiating clergy might in that case be left to find their own level, without prejudice to the public; and residence might be in a great degree enforced by the operation of circumstances. If care were taken that none but candidates culy qualified obtained admission into the church, we believe that most of the objects would be attained that were sought by the late provisions, which, we are of opinion, do not indicate comprehensive views of policy. To the episcopal interference in the inferior clerical relations, which is here a matter of complaint, we never were friends. We never were of opinion that it was an improvement in our polity to increase the power of the Bishops, and the dependence of the parochial clergy; nor did we ever deem those the best friends of the church and of religion, who were loudest in the cry in favour of the curates. We would not be misunderstood; we wish to see residence as general as possible; we wish to see the inferior clergy as well provided as the nature of things will allow but we would have these desirable ends attained not by harsh and authoritative legal provisions, but flowing as consequences from wise and liberal regulations, operating in an indirect manner. If this writer be well founded in supposing that the recent laws will have the effect of deterring persons of respectable connections, and

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of promising talents, from going into the church, we trust that no time will be lost in revising or repealing them. The importance of religion as a private concern, the incalculable advantageswhich the state derives from it, and the vast moment of public instruction in every possible view of it which can be taken, will render this duty imperious on the legislature.

This author repudiates the tenet of the indelible character. The reader will find a complete refutation of this bigotted and slavish notion in Dr.Campbell's Lectures on Ecclesiastical History. The letter writer is also greatly displeased with the late law, which declares persons in Holy Orders ineligible to seats in Parliament. We own that we cannot help being of opinion that the duties of a clergyman and a Member of Parliament are incompatible; and that our constitution both civil and ecclesiastical would suffer, were the House of Commons to be made a road to clerical preferment: but we can see no objection to their having this privilege, provided it were enacted that the seat disqualified them for holding or receiving any church preferment ever afterward.

Att. 17. Hints for the Security of the Established Church, humbly addressed to the Archbishop of Canterbury. 8vo. IS. Hatchard. When this writer, in order to rouse the attention of his Grace of Canterbury, represents to him the fair prospect of obtaining the crown of Martyrdom, we were prepared for a most alarming view of the state of the Established Church: but we could not perceive any thing in the subsequent part of the letter, on which the Archbishop could erect the brilliant hope of Martyrdom. We cannot consider the Church to be in such imminent peril as he would have us believe; nor can we admit that those measures, which he so strongly urges, are either necessary or politic. If parochial and episcopal residence must be enforced by such regulations as may be deemed requisite, let not liberty of conscience be abridged by any limitation of the Toleration Act. The writer, however, wishes to have some new regulations adopted relative to Dissenters; because of the novel form of modern Dissent. Schismatists (he says) do not at present dissent on account of their principles, but they so arrange their principles, that they may dissent.' Without analysing this nice distinction, we venture to observe that it would be very imprudent in Government to interfere with the different shades of dissent. The word Dissenter is a very comprehensive negative term. It implies all those who differ from the Established Church, with all their subdivisions; and to all, of every denomination, the Toleration Act exsends.- Alarmed at the progress of Methodism, this member of the Church of England longs to restrain the itinerant preachers, and wishes to have them licenced, and confined to their own appropriate registered place of worship: but he forgets that this would be a very hard case, unless these places were endowed. In our apprehension, it is weak in the extreme to be afraid of such illiterate beings as he describes; and if the Clergy do their duty, and oppose Methodistic preachers with becoming zeal and assiduity, they need not ask for a revision of the Toleration act. At all events, we should abst stain

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