Washington, of a proposition, adopting that directed by the President on the 12th of July last, with some modifications, not inconsistent, according to the sense I entertain of it, with our national honor. Of this I should feel quite certain if I could officially know that the proposition would probably be acceptable at Washington; and I should attempt it informally, and upon my individual responsibility, with scarcely less confidence of success, if, while acting in that way, I could encourage a like result.

"It is due, however, to my own position, and to those with whom I am brought into intercourse upon this subject, to state, that the opinions I have thus expressed are not founded upon any direct communication from those in official station, but are rather the result of a series of facts and inferences, entitled, however, in my judgment at least, to not less weight.

"After these observations, I owe it more particularly to myself to state that, believing, from the history of our previous negotiations as to the Oregon Question, that it may now be settled upon the basis of compromise, and with reference to interests which have grown up during the joint occupation of the territory, without a violation of any duty which a public man owes to the rights and honor of his country, I would not be unwilling, taking the President's proposition of the 12th of July as a basis, to urge a final adjustment of the question according to that proposition, but conceding to the Hudson's Bay Company a continuance of the privilege of joint occupation, including the navigation of the Columbia, for a period of seven or ten years longer; and I hope I may be allowed to add, that I would be willing to assume the responsibility of assenting to an adjustment by extending the boundary to the Pacific by the fortyninth parallel and the Straits of Fuca, with free ports to both nations; or by extending the free navigation of the Columbia River for a longer period, provided similar advantages upon the St. Lawrence could thereby be secured to the United States.

"I believe that upon one of these grounds, perhaps upon either, an adjustment may be concluded; and I have a strong conviction that the mode first indicated is entirely practicable.

"I am, however, constrained at the same time to state, from all that has come to my knowledge here, that I have no reason to believe that more favorable terms than those I have above

adverted to would, under any circumstances, be consented to by this government."

Under date of February 26th, 1846, Mr. Buchanan, writing to Mr. M'Lane, says:

"It appears that in your interview with the Earl of Aberdeen, on the 29th ultimo, his lordship complained of the terms and manner in which I had declined to accept Mr. Pakenham's first proposition to arbitrate; and apprehended that, from the nature of the answer, and the character of the recent debate in the House of Representatives, it would be difficult to prevent the conclusion that the President had determined to discourage any new proposition on the basis of compromise, and to concede nothing of the extreme demand.'

"The view of the subject presented by you to his lordship is the correct one. My answer was not intended either to encour age or to discourage a renewal of the negotiation. The President has at all times been prepared to receive and to treat with the utmost respect any proposal for a compromise which might emanate from the British government. While he has not deemed it proper to invite such a proposal, he has ever manifested an anxious desire to preserve amicable relations with Great Britain. To accomplish this purpose, he would sacrifice every consideration except the national rights and the national honor. Lord Aberdeen has drawn an inference from my language, of which it is not, in my opinion, fairly susceptible. Of this he will be fully sensible upon perusing the concluding paragraph of my answer to the second proposal of Mr. Pakenham for arbitration. It is there declared that the President cordially concurs with the government of Great Britain in desiring that the present controversy may be amicably adjusted. Of this he has given the strongest proof before the whole world. He believes that, as there are no two nations on the earth more closely bound together by the ties of commerce, so there are none who ought to be more able or willing to do each other justice, without the interposition of any arbiter.'

"You strongly express the opinion, notwithstanding the existing difficulties, 'that it would be in my [your] power, without any improper commitment of the President, to lead to a renewal of negotiation by this [the British] government, and to

the submission, unless another mode would be more desirable, through its minister at Washington, of a proposition adopting that directed by the President on the 12th of July last, with some modifications, not inconsistent, according to the sense I [you] entertain of it, with our national honor. Of this I [you] should feel quite certain, if I [you] could officially know that the proposition would probably be acceptable at Washington.'

"The concluding paragraph of my dispatch to you of the 29th ultimo [No. 22], which you will have received shortly after making this suggestion, is perhaps sufficient to indicate the course which the President would pursue, in case such an offer should be made through the British minister at Washington.

"The President, since the date of his message, has seen no cause to change his opinion either in regard to our title to Oregon, or to the manner in which it ought to be asserted. But the Federal Constitution has made the Senate, to a certain extent, a co-ordinate branch of the treaty-making power. With out their advice and consent no treaty can be concluded. This power could not be intrusted to wiser or better hands. Besides, in their legislative character they constitute a portion of the war-making, as in their executive capacity they compose a part of the treaty-making power. They are the representatives of the sovereign states of this Union, and are regarded as the best index of the opinion of their constituents. A rejection of the British ultimatum might probably lead to war; and, as a branch of the legislative power, it would be incumbent upon them to authorize the necessary preparations to render this war successful. Under these considerations, the President, in deference to the Senate, and to the true theory of the constitutional responsibilities of the different branches of the government, will forego his own opinions, so far as to submit to that body any proposi tion which may be made by the British government, not, in his judgment, wholly inconsistent with the rights and honor of the country. Nor is the fact to be disguised, that, from the speeches and proceedings in the Senate, it is probable that a proposition to adjust the Oregon Question on the parallel of forty-nine degrees would receive their favorable consideration."

Such are the material points of the correspondence which was taking place while the "notice" was pending in the two houses, and which make perfectly intelligible many things not then understood.

At length, on the 16th of April, as we have stated, the joint resolution of notice was passed by the Senate, but not in the form in which it went forth from the House. A substitute, proposed by Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, embodying the substance of a proposition originally offered by Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, took the place of the resolution of the House, and was in the following words:

"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That by the convention concluded the twentieth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and eighteen, between the United States of America and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for the period of ten years, and afterward indefinitely extended and continued in force by another convention of the same parties, concluded the sixth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twentyseven, it was agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, now commonly called the Oregon Territory, should, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be 'free and open' to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers, but without prejudice to any claim which either of the parties might have to any part of said country; and with this further provision in the second article of the said convention of the sixth of August, one thousand eight hundred and twentyseven, that either party might abrogate and annul said convention, on giving due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party; that it has now become desirable that the respective claims of the United States and Great Britain should be definitely settled; and that said territory may no longer than need be remain subject to the evil consequences of the divided allegiance of its American and British population, and of the confusion and conflict of national jurisdictions, dangerous to the cherished peace and good understanding of the two countries. And, therefore, that steps be taken for the abrogation of the said convention of the sixth of August, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, in the mode prescribed in its second article, and that the attention of the government of both countries may be the more earnestly and immediately directed

to renewed efforts for the amicable settlement of all their dif ferences and disputes in respect to said territory.

"And be it further resolved, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized, at his discretion, to give to the British government the notice required by its said second article for the abrogation of the said convention of the sixth of August, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven." The vote on the engrossment of this substitute resolution. was as follows:

Yeas: Messrs. Archer, Ashley, Atherton, Bagley, Barrow, Benton, Berrien, Calhoun, Cameron, Chalmers, John M. Clayton, Corwin, Crittenden, Davis, Dayton, Dix, Greene, Haywood, Houston, Huntington, Jarnegan, Johnson of Maryland, Johnson of Louisiana, Lewis, M'Duffie, Mangum, Miller, Morehead, Niles, Pearce, Pennybacker, Phelps, Rusk, Sevier, Simmons, Speight, Turney, Upham, Webster, and Woodbridge -40.

Nays: Messrs. Allen, Atchison, Breese, Bright, Cass, Thomas Clayton, Dickinson, Evans, Fairfield, Hannegan, Jenness, Semple, Sturgeon, and Westcott-14.

Thus it will be seen a disagreement existed between the two houses as to the form in which the object designed to be accomplished should be effected. The parliamentary processes usual in such cases were called into requisition, and the following joint resolution was finally agreed upon:

"Whereas, by the convention concluded the twentieth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and eighteen, between the United States of America and the King of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, for the period of ten years, and afterward indefinitely extended and continued in force by another convention of the same parties, concluded the sixth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, it was agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, now commonly called the Oregon Territory, should, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers, but without prejudice to any claim which either of the parties might have to any part of said country;