"The dreadful alternative of war surely should not be resorted to upon trivial grounds. It can be justified only as a last resort; and then for cause, palpable and indisputable; a necessity not to be measured by dollars or acres, but imperious and unavoidable. In my opinion, this war rests upon no such necessity.

"But we are told that the merits of the war are not now in question; that the country is involved in it; the Constitution places its conduct in the hands of the President, and we are bound to grant him the supplies necessary for its prosecution; upon him rests the responsibility. Well, I admit that those who approve of this war, and are in favor of prosecuting it for the ends proposed, are bound to grant the means. But, sir, I deny that any such obligation rests upon me. As a representative upon this floor, sworn to support the Constitution of my country, I dare not skulk behind the responsibility of any man, however high or however low, upon questions vital to the Constitution, and, as I believe, to the honor and interests of my country. I have endeavored to show that this is a war, not of defense, but of offense; that it is not conservative, but destructive; and I wish to bear this discrimination in mind.

"Wars, I have believed, are declared for cause, and they are prosecuted for their intrinsic merit. The merit of an existing war is a matter of opinion, and, under our republican system, it will cease or continue as the majority shall determine. But the fact that this war of rapine and blood has a majority in its support, can impose no obligation upon the minority, nor release it from its responsibility to the country. On the contrary, as majorities are made up of individuals, and the question of peace or war may turn upon a single vote, accountability is single, and not collective.

"The majority have the control of the means; the aid of the minority is therefore not necessary, but gratuitous. The war will continue as long as the majority desire it, and no longer. And every man is, therefore, in my judgment, bound to himself, his country, and his God, to take one side or the other. He can not be against the war and for it at the same time. He can not be opposed to its further prosecution, and yet contribute to that prosecution, sceing that the safety of the coun try would not be endangered by its discontinuance, nor its hon

or compromised. His only power is his vote, and it is his vote which will indicate his choice.

"Now, I am opposed to the prosecution of this war. My people are opposed to it. They have spoken in terms not to be disregarded or misunderstood. And, being thus opposed to it, I shall vote against all measures intended for its further prosecution. This is the only means of prevention within my power. It is the means, and the only means, provided by the Constitution, and it is the very means contemplated by the framers of that instrument, as their proceedings show.

"I believe this war to be wrong from beginning to endwrong in its inception, wrong in its prosecution, wrong in its designs and ends; and I shall vote according to my convictions. I can not see how a war wrong in all its parts can be justly or honorably prosecuted.

"As I have already said, were the safety or the honor of the country involved in the conflict, I should be ready to maintain firmly, and by every necessary means, their defense. But, Mr. Chairman, this is not the country's war-such a one as demands the co-operation and aid of every patriot heart. It is unworthy of being dignified with the name. It is a miserable political-a party game, in which the stakes are personal and party aggrandizement, and the die the treasure of the country, the lives of thousands of your fellow-beings, and the tears of tens of thousands of innocent women and children. It is a heartless, a soulless game, and I can take no hand in it.

"Did I believe-as I do not-that the voice of the people was for war-indiscriminate war, I would exert my feeble influence to correct the public taste rather than cater for its morbid appetite; I would appeal to the virtue and intelligence of the people rather than their sordid passions.

"But I do not believe that the people are in favor of this war. I do not believe they are willing to cut the throats of the Mexicans, and murder their women and children, that they may plunder them of their territory..

"For myself I say, unhesitatingly, withdraw your troops within your acknowledged territory, propose to Mexico terms of peace just and honorable, and she will not, she dare not refuse them. Put yourself in the right, and the country and the world will sustain you."

It is understood that the constituents of Mr. M'Ilvaine have fully sustained him in the course of conduct, so precarious as to its personal results, which he has thought proper to adopt. He claims credit for at least honesty of purpose, and independence of thought and action.

At

He is an attentive and industrious member of the House. His manners are plain and unassuming, his address quiet and gentlemanly. He enters into public debate with much reluctance. His style of speaking is altogether conversational. home, he is said to possess the personal esteem of men of all parties, since, however much some of his neighbors may differ with him on political matters, the excellence of his private character commands their respect, while his disposition to extend to them such kind offices as may be within his power secures their friendship