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midst of the men, women, and children of the community-had he had reason to believe that the machinery of insurrection was at such a time in readiness for purposes of the most deadly character, involving life, and that dearer than life, to every Southern man-had he witnessed such scenes, and believed that movements like that of this morning were calculated to engender feelings out of which were to arise fire, blood, and desolation-the destruction finally of the South, he would regard himself as a traitor to the best sentiments of the human heart if he did not speak out the language of manly denunciation. I can use no other language. I can not but repeat my conviction, that any man who dares to utter such sentiments as those of the senator from New Hampshire, and attempts to act them out any where in the sunny South, will meet death upon the scaffold, and deserves it !' "Mr. Douglas. 'I must again congratulate the senator from New Hampshire on the accession of five thousand votes. Sir, I do not blame the senator from Mississippi for being indignant at any man from any portion of this Union who would produce an incendiary excitement-who would kindle the flame of civil warwho would incite a negro insurrection, hazarding the life of any man in the Southern States. The senator has, I am aware, reason to feel deeply on this subject. But I am not altogether unacquainted with the peculiar circumstances of the sections of the country to which he has alluded. I have lived a good portion of my life upon the immediate borders of a slave state. I have seen the operation of such excitements as those of which he speaks upon both sides of the line. I can well appreciate the excited feeling with which gentlemen in the South must regard any agitating movement to get up insurrections among their negro servants.' “Mr. Davis, of Mississippi. 'I do not wish to be considered as participating in the feeling to which the senator alludes. I have no fear of insurrection, no more than I have of my cattle. I do not dread such incendiaries. Our slaves are happy and contented. They sustain the happiest relation that labor can sustain to capital. It is a paternal institution. They are rendered miserable only by the unwarrantable interference of those who know nothing about that with which they meddle. I rest this case in no fear of insurrection; and I wish it to be distinctly understood, that we are able to take care of ourselves, and to punish all incendiaries. It was the insult offered to the institutions which we have inherited that provoked my indignation.'

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“Mr. Foote. Will the honorable senator allow me to make a remark ?'

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"Mr. Foote. If it be understood that I expressed any fear of an insurrection which might grow out of this movement, it is a mistake. I said that such an audacious movement as this could not be tamely submitted to, without encouraging its authors to proceed; and in that, I think, all who have spoken on this side of the chamber concur.'

"Mr. Davis, of Mississippi. I did not intend to imply that my colleague had taken any such course as that which I disclaimed.'

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"Mr. Douglas. All that I intended to say was, that the effect of this excitement-of all these harsh expressions--will be the creation of Abolitionists at the North.'

"Mr. Foote. The more the better.'

"Mr. Douglas. The gentleman may think so, but some of us at the North do not concur with him in that opinion. Of course, the senator from New Hampshire will agree with him, because he can fan the flame of excitement so as to advance his political prospects. And I can also well understand how some gentlemen at the South may quite complacently regard all this excitement, if they can persuade their constituents to believe that the institution of slavery rests upon their shoulders-that they are the men who meet the Goliath of the North in this great

contest about abolition. It gives them strength at home. But we of the North, who have no sympathy with the Abolitionists, desire no such excitement.'

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'Mr. Calhoun. I must really object to the remarks of the senator. merely defending our rights. Suppose that we defend them in strong language; have we not a right to do so? Surely the senator can not mean to impute to us the motives of low ambition. He can not realize our position. For myself (and I presume I may speak for those who act with me), we place this question upon high and exalted grounds. Long as he may have lived in the neighborhood of slaveholding states, he can not have realized any thing on the subject. I must object entirely to his course, and say that it is at least as offensive as that of the senator from New Hampshire.'

64 Mr. Foote. Will the senator from Illinois allow me a word?' "Mr. Douglas. In a moment. I am sorry that the honorable senator regards my language as offensive as that of the senator from New Hampshire. Will be allow me to remark, in the first place, that I did not suppose that I should ever be classed with the senator from New Hampshire on the subject of slavery; and, in the next place, that I did not say any thing disrespectful to the senator from South Carolina, or any one associated with him on this question. I did not impugn his motives. I said explicitly that I did not regard him as being actuated by any but the purest motives. He felt indignant at the recent occurrences, and his indignation I regarded as being natural and proper. We of the free states share in that indignation. But I said that the senator from South Carolina, by the violent course pursued here, had contributed to the result which we deplored, and that abolitionism at the North was built up by Southern denunciation and Southern imprudence. I stated that there were men of the North who are ready to take advantage of that imprudent and denunciatory course, and turn it to their own account, so as to make it revert upon the South. I announced in plain terms that truth--a truth which every man from the free states can fully realize; and, sir, I too feel upon this subject, inasmuch as I have never desired to enlist, and never shall enlist, under the banners of either of the radical factions on this ques tion. I have no sympathy for abolitionism on the one side, or that extreme course on the other which is akin to abolitionism. We are not willing to be trodden down while you hazard nothing by your violence, which only builds up your adversary in the North. Nor does he hazard any thing; quite the contrary; for he will thus be enabled to keep concentrated upon himself the gaze of the Abolitionists, who will regard him as the great champion of freedom who encounters the distinguished senator from South Carolina and the senator from Mississippi. He is to be upheld at the North because he is the champion of abolition, and you are to be upheld at the South because you are the champion who meet him; so that it comes to this, that between these two ultra parties, we of the North, who be long to neither, are thrust aside. Now we stand up for all your constitutional rights, in which we will protect you to the last. We go for the punishment of burglary, stealing, and any other infringement of the laws of this district; and if these laws be not strong enough to prevent or punish those crimes, we will give to them the adequate strength. On the other hand, we go for enforcing the law against mobs, and any destruction of property by them; and if the law be not strong enough to suppress them, we will strengthen it. But we protest against being made instruments-puppets--in this slavery excitement, which can operate only to your interest, and the building up of those who wish to put you down. I believe, sir, that in all this I have spoken the sentiment of every Northern man who is not an Abolitionist. My object was to express my deep regret that any such excitement should have grown out of the introduction of this bill.'

Mr. Foote. I had supposed that I had already sufficiently explained myself.

No Southern man has ever introduced this question into the halls of legislation. Of this the senator must be well aware. If he knows an instance to the contrary, I should be extremely glad to be informed of it. The question is not now brought up by any movement of ours; it is forced upon us by the senator from, New Hampshire. The South has been silent, resting firmly, discreetly, and with dignity, upon her rights which are guarantied to us by the Constitution. It is only in defense of her acknowledged rights that she undertakes to say any thing. The senator from New Hampshire has now introduced a bill which is calculated to produce mischief. Are we to remain silent? Or, if we use language of just indignation, are we to be charged with endeavoring to make ourselves popular in the South? Let me say to the senator from Illinois that this is a most ungenerous proposition. He says that no unworthy motives lie at the foundation of this measure. Why, I can imagine no more unworthy motive than unprincipled demagogism. I would soorn myself if I could for a moment permit myself to give countenance to any thing so unworthy. I would say, with all possible courtesy to the senator from Illinois, for whom I entertain the highest respect, and whose general feelings of justice for us in the South we all understand and appreciate— he will permit me to say to him, in a spirit of perfect courtesy, that there are various ways of becoming popular. Our constituents will have confidence in us if they see we are ready here to maintain their interests inviolate. And it may be, also, that the senator from New Hampshire will strengthen himself in proportion as his conduct is denounced. But I beg the senator from Illinois to recollect that there is another mode of obtaining that popularity which is expressed in the adage, "In medio tutissimus ibis," and that there is such a thing as winning golden opinions from all sorts of people; and it may be that a man of mature power, young, and aspiring as he may do to high places, may conceive that, by keeping clear of all union with the two leading factions, he will more or less strengthen himself with the great body of the American people, and thus attain the high ̧ point of elevation to which his ambition leads. But if the senator from Illinois thinks that a middle course in regard to this question is best calculated to serve his purpose, he is mistaken.'

“Mr. Douglas. 'The senator has hit it precisely when he says that sometimes the course advised in the familiar adage which he has quoted is indeed the course of duty and of wisdom. I do believe that upon this question, that is the only course which can win "golden opinions" from reflecting men throughout the country.'

"Mr. Foote (in his seat). 'Golden opinions from all sorts of people.'

"Mr. Douglas. 'In the North, it is not expected that we should take the position that slavery is a positive good-a positive blessing. If we did assume such a position, it would be a very pertinent inquiry, Why do you not adopt this institution? We have molded our institutions at the North as we have thought proper; and now we say to you of the South, if slavery be a blessing, it is your blessing; if it be a curse, it is your curse; enjoy it: on you rest all the responsibility! We are prepared to aid you in the maintenance of all your constitutional rights; and I apprehend that no man, South or North, has shown more consistently a disposition to do so than myself. From first to last, I have evinced that disposition. But my object was to inform the people of the South how it is that gentlemen professing the sentiments of the senator from New Hampshire get here; how it is that they will see others coming here with similar sentiments, unless they reflect more calmly and coolly, and take a different course; and how this imprudent and violent course is calculated to crush us who oppose abolitionism. If any unpleasant feeling has been excited by these remarks of mine, I regret it. I know that it is not always pleasant to tell the truth plainly and boldly, when it comes home

to an individual; but what I have said is the truth, and we all know it and feel it.

"I think the introduction of this bill has been ill timed. I doubt its expediency in any circumstances; but, brought up at present, it is peculiarly calculated to produce unnecessary excitement; and I will never consent to the introduction of such a bill under the present circumstances. I am willing to instruct your committee to inquire whether any formal legislation be necessary for the purpose of suppressing kidnapping, mobs, rioting, and violence in the District of Columbia. I am prepared to meet the responsibility of passing the most stringent laws against any illegal acts. That is my position. My views in relation to this subject are well known. I have always supported, by my vote, the rule excluding abolition petitions. I voted with you of the South to sustain it. It was repealed against my vote. I was ready to stand by it as long as it was necessary for your protection. I will vote for any other measure necessary to protect your rights; but I claim the privilege of pointing out to you how you give strength and encouragement to the Abolitionists of the North, by the imprudent expression of what I grant to be just indignation, and which you deem it to be necessary so to utter in selfdefense."

Throughout his whole term of service, the personal bearing of Mr. Giddings has been unexceptionable, and in accordance with the strictest requirements of parliamentary decorum. We have seen him taunted, rebuked, insulted-all but struck; yet we never saw him forget his knowledge of the presence he was in, much less engage in any thing like one of those pugilistic encounters of which the records of the House, in recent years, afford so many humiliating evidences.

On one occasion, when an insult was regarded by him as very direct and gross, he manifested his appreciation of it by this reply-a type of his conduct in all such instances:

"It is related of a veteran marshal, who had grown old in the service of his country, and who had fought a hundred battles, that he happened to offend a young and fiery officer, who spat in his face for the purpose of insulting him. The general, taking his handkerchief from his pocket and wiping his face, remarked, 'If I could wash your blood from my soul as easily as I can this spittle from my face, you should not live another day.'

"I will say to the member that I claim no station superior to the most humble, nor inferior to the most exalted. In representing what I believe to be the views of my people, and what I deem their interests and the interests of the North, I made the remarks I did. I say to him, that at the North we have a different mode of punishing insults from that which exists at the South. With us, the man who wantonly assails another

is punished by public sentiment. To that sentiment I appeal. It will do justice both to the member and myself."

It may truly be said that there is no member of the House more constantly attentive to the duties of his station or the interests of his constituents than Mr. Giddings.

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