tory itself amply demonstrates. Others there were who doubted, or were rather afraid to come out boldly in defense of freedom. This is evident from the writings of Timothy Dwight. That gentleman says, in his "Travels in New England," vol. 1, p. 159: "In the month of July, 1775, I urged, in conversation with several gentlemen of great respectability, firm Whigs, and my intimate friends, the importance and even the necessity of a Declaration of Independence on the part of the Colonies, and alleged for this measure, the very same arguments which afterward were generally considered as decisive; but found them disposed to give me and my arguments a hostile and contemptuous, instead of a cordial reception. Yet, at that time, all the resentment and enthusiasm awakened by the odious measures of Parliament, by the peculiarly obnoxious conduct of the British agents in this country, and by the recent battles of Lexington and Breed's Hill were at the highest pitch. These gentlemen may be considered as the representatives of the great body of the thinking men in this country. A few may, perhaps, be excepted, but none of these durst at that time openly declare their opinions to the public. For myself, I regarded the die as cast, and the hopes of reconciliation as vanished; and believed the colonists would never be able to defend themselves unless they renounced their dependence on Great Britain." This was occasioned, no doubt, by the fact, that "the pride of political birth-right," as Mr. Lossing remarks, "as a child of Great Britain, kept actively alive a loyal spirit; and a separation from the British Empire was a proposition too startling to be readily embraced, or even favorably received, by the great mass of the people, who regarded 'Old England' with filial rever ence." Although the arguments of Mr. Dwight might have been convincing in character, yet the proper time had not come-for, when intelligence reached America that the king had declared the colonists rebels-that thousands of German troops had been engaged by Parliament to come hither and assist in the work of subjugating a people struggling for right and justice and that the British government was collecting all its mighty energies, for the purpose of striking a blow of such intensity as to scatter into fragments every vestige of the rightful claims of the colonists to enjoy the prerogatives granted them by Magna Charta, a deep and solemn conviction seized the minds of the people that the last hope of reconciliation had faded away, and that unbending resistance or absolute slavery was the only alternative left them. The bonds of filial affection were rudely severed by the unnatural parent, and the deserted and outraged children were driven by necessity to seek protection beneath a palladium of their own construction. Hence, they saw an imperative duty in urging their representatives to declare for Freedom— and so they did declare. Watson informs us that this Declaration was not actually signed on the 4th of July, "nor was there that intrepid and concurrent enthusiasm in all the members of Congress which has generally been imputed." The facts, he states, as he obtained them from Judge McKean, were, that, "on the 1st of July, the question of Independence was taken in committee of the whole, when the entire seven delegates from Pennsylvania voted against it, and Delaware, which had but two members present, divided. These were the only States which so demurred! It was at this crisis that Judge McKean sent an express for Cæsar Rodney, the other member from Delaware; and soon after his arrival, the important question was put, when Mr. Rodney arose, and in a few words, said, he spoke the voice of his constituents and his own, in casting his vote for Independence. On the 4th of July, five representatives from Pennsylvania gave their votes three to two in favor of the declaration." No one actually signed the document on that day, it was merely ordered to be engrossed on parchment. It was subsequently read from the steps of the State House to the populace, who received it with unbounded applause; they soon afterward retired, and commenced preparing for the awful conflict shortly to follow. The alacrity with which they responded to the call of freedom's voice, subsequent history has spread before our eyes in an unquenchable blaze of glory. 12 CHAPTER XI. JOHN HANCOCK. "Lo! the mighty hath fallen! that form, once the fear AMONG the inspiring associations connected with Independence Hall, are the portrait and historical recollections of that stern old hero, JOHN HANCOCK. He was one of Massachusetts' noblest children, and afforded an exalted example of devotedness to the cause of Independence. The town of Quincy, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, claims him as her son, for it was in that place he first gazed upon the busy world of humanity, in 1737. From that time to the close of his eventful life, in October, 1793, the world has been an admirer of his versatility of genius, and blessed by the boldness of his public spirit and principles of enlarged philanthropy. He was indeed a great man, and his name will forever stand part and parcel of the "Declaration of Independence." Hancock, whose bold signature first strikes the eye in glancing over that charter of American freedom, was, perhaps, all things considered, one of the most remarkable men of the age. He put most at risk in the sanguinary struggle for American freedom, so far as fortune and its appearances were concerned, for he was then the richest man in the country. He inherited the business of a millionaire uncle, and was the Abbott Lawrence of his day. When he was first elected to the Provincial Legislature, Adams said to a friend: "Boston has done a wise thing to-day-she's made that young man's fortune her own." And this was literally fulfilled, for he devoted it all to the public use. The contrast between Hancock and Adams was very great. Adams was quite poor, and held in great contempt the style and show of fortune-Hancock kept a magnificent equipage, such as was then unknown in America. His apparel was embroidered with gold and silver-he drove his six beautiful bays -he was exceedingly fond of dancing, music, routes, parties, rich wines, dinners, and all that kind of thing called elegant pleasures. How he estimated the goods of fortune and its concomitants, is illustrated by the following anecdote:-" During the siege of Boston, Gen. Washington consulted Congress as to the propriety of bombarding the town. Hancock was President, and after the reading of Washington's letter, a motion was made to go into committee of the whole to enable Mr. Hancock to give his opinion, as he was deeply interested-all his property being in houses and real estate. He left the chair, and addressed the chairman as follows: 'It is true, sir, that nearly all I have in the world is in the town of Boston, but if the expulsion of the British troops and the liberty of my country demand that they be burned to ashes, issue the order, AND LET THE CANNON BLAZE AWAY!" In the earlier stages of John Hancock's existencewho had been supplied with a collegiate education at |