ing of Congress. He called upon the House now to sustain him in his effort to separate the printing of the House from editors of newspapers, whose business alone was to defame and slander high minded and honorable men. He had no idea of continuing patronage to a set of men who had raised one of the most odious despotisms ever held over a free people. A gentleman from Virginia had a few years ago submitted a scheme for separating the printing of Congress from the newspaper press, and he hoped gentlemen would now see the necessity of adopting this project. He had no idea of patronizing editors, who were aided by Executive bounty, and grew rich from the plunder of the people. It was time for the House to take this matter into consideration, and separate itself as much as possible from the partisan press of the day. It was proposed to limit the operation of this resolution to the third Monday in September; but he desired himself to free the House entirely from the excitement, consequent upon the election of public printer. He had no idea that this House should be engaged for days in a miserable scramble for the election of a man or set of men to do the printing of the House, merely because they were editors of political papers. The matter of election of printer had grown to be a matter of as much importance as the election of a Speaker of the House, and would continue to create an improper excitement, so long as the printing was connected with the political press of the country. He desired a free and ample discussion of the matter, and he hoped the amendment he had submitted might be adopted.

Mr. BRONSON said that the same reasons which induced him to offer the original resolution, would induce him to vote against the amendment of the gentleman from South Carolina; and he briefly gave his reasons. He said it had appeared perfectly evident to him, from the result of the ballots of yesterday, that no choice of a public printer would be made by subsequent ballots; and it appeared equally evident to him that the people of this country would not look with favor or approbation upon the House spending day after day in balloting for a printer. They had been called together for much more momentous and important considerations. They were called together on an occasion, the like of which was never before seen, and the eyes of the whole nation were directed to their deliberations. Under these circumstances, it struck him that it did not become them to spend two or three days, or perhaps a much longer space, in choosing A, B, C, or any other person, to do the public printing; and with a view, therefore, that the House might at once proceed to deliberate and dispose of the great considerations for which they had been called together, he had offered that resolution. The same reasons, therefore, that induced him to offer it, would induce him to vote against the amendment, for he plainly perceived that if the latter should be entertained, they would spend probably much more time in discussing it than even under the balloting of yesterday.

Mr. WILLIAMS of Kentucky moved to amend the amendment, by adding the words "and to a printer who is not the editor of a newspaper."

Mr. McKAY called the attention of the gentleman from South Carolina to the terms of the joint resolution of 1819, regulating the manner in which the printing for Congress shall be done. In regard to the question of separating the public printing from the newspaper press, Mr. McK. was ready and willing to concur that it should be done, either by the establishment of a private press belonging to the Government, by contracts, or by any other plan that would be practicable. He, however, was not disposed to enter into a discussion of that subject at present, and had only risen for the purpose first stated. He would, therefore, suggest to the gentleman from South Carolina, that while that joint resolution was in force, it would not be in order to adopt the provision embraced in that amendment. law prescribed the manner in which the printing should be done, and the price to be paid for it, and he held it was not competent in them, during its existence, to let out the work by contract; that law limited the price, and it might turn out

That

that the lowest bid would exceed it, which the Clerk being bound to accept, would be a violation of the law, and the House be paying higher prices for its printing than it was authorized to do by joint resolution and the law of the land now in force.

Mr. PICKENS inquired if there was not a proviso in the joint resolution, "until otherwise ordered?"

Mr. McKAY read from it the words "when otherwise specially ordered."

Mr. PICKENS. Then under that provision my amendment is clearly in order.

Mr. TAYLOR hoped the original resolution would be adopted; for it was of the first importance that the House should be progressing with the business that had called them together, which was its obvious design. With reference to changing the mode of employing a printer, he believed that no other printers were at present prepared to execute the work, than the editors of the papers in the city; and, moreover, if let to the lowest bidder, some irresponsible man might get the job, who would put in too low a bid, and either disappoint them altogether, by not executing the work at all, or by doing it in a manner that would be disapproved of; in either case the public interest would suffer. He also held the existing law to be binding, and in full force, until it was repealed by the concurrence of a joint vote of the two Houses. Mr. WILLIAMS of Kentucky said, at the request of several of his friends, he would withdraw his amendment.

Mr. PICKENS then modified his amendment so as to provide "that the contracts should not exceed the prices now stipulated by the joint resolution of 1819, and that this arrangement be extended to the first Monday in December next."

Mr. COLES proposed to amend the amendment by striking out all after the word "and," and insert a provision for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the expediency of separating the emoluments of public printer from the newspaper press of the country: lost.

After some remarks from Messrs. McKENNAN, WISE, and UNDERWOOD,

Mr. ROBERTSON moved to insert, in lieu of the definite period assigned in the amendment, the following: "continued until the further order of the House of Representatives." Mr. R. explained why he voted against laying the original resolution on the table. His reasons were two-fold: first, because he found they were engaged in a struggle for an election, not of a printer, but of a politician, or partisan editor; an election which might consume a great deal of the time of the House, without the slightest benefit to the country; and second, because he hoped the effect of that resolution, if adopted, would be for ever to put an end to this biennial struggle for the election of a partisan printer.

The

Mr. BRIGGS was opposed both to the resolution and the amendment, because it appeared to him to be an evasion, if not a direct violation, of a statute now existing. He then read the statute directing the manner in which a printer was to be elected, and contended that it was not competent for the House, without the concurrence of the Senate, to give out the printing in any other manner than that laid down in the statute referred to. joint resolution of 1819 provides that each House shall proceed to elect, by ballot, within thirty days of the adjournment of Congress, a printer for the next Congress. He appealed to gentlemen to say whether this statute was not binding upon them until it was rescinded by the joint action of the two Houses? Taking this view of the question, he could see no other mode of proceeding than to reject the resolution and amendment, and proceed to the election of a printer by ballot.

Mr. GLASCOCK was not disposed, at this stage of the question, to excite the passions of the House by a reference to any political or partisan question which might hereafter arise. We had come here for the purpose of proceeding with the business which we were called together to act upon, as speedily as possible, and he was not disposed now to continue any course which would procrastinate our action on this important business. As to the

cause of the existing evils he was not disposed to make a question. It was sufficient for him to know that the country was involved in difficulty; and he was in favor of the speedy action of Congress on the subject, in order to provide a remedy for the evil. The object of the gentleman from New York in submitting the resolution, he had no doubt, was to dispose of the question of the election of printer as speedily as possible, with a view to facilitate the business of the House; and it appeared to him that this ought to be the desire of every gentleman here. It seemed to him that the resolution, as modified by the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Pickens) ought to meet the concurrence of every gentleman on the floor of the House. This resolution held out an inducement to every editor or printer in the community to submit proposals; and the contract must be made with the person who is the lowest bidder. He did not look upon this resolution as introduced to effect any political object; and he hoped it would receive the sanction of the House. He looked forward to difficulties which may arise in our deliberations, but he hoped that we might go on and organize speedily, so that we might, if possible, unite in accomplishing the great objects for which we were assembled. He cared not who was elected printer. He, to be sure, had his friends, as he doubted not every man in that House had; but when we saw so many conflicting interests, we ought to compromise. The plan proposed by the resolution, as modified by the gentleman from South Carolina, he considered the best compromise which could be made, and he hoped it would be adopted, so that we might proceed with the other important business for which we were assembled to consider.

Mr. PICKENS called for the reading of the statute alluded to by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Briggs,) which being read by the Clerk, Mr. P. stated that his object was merely to show, that because the House had not complied with the terms of the statute, it was null, and of no effect. The House had neglected to perform its duty in not electing a printer at the last session, thereby considering the statute a mere dead letter. The resolution of the gentleman from New York, now proposed to authorize the Clerk to appoint a printer to fill the office left vacant by the negligence of the House. That being the case, and the resolution being before the House, he considered his amendment as being strictly in order. The argument of the gentleman from Massachusetts he considered as applying equally to the resolution of the gentleman from New York, with the amendment submitted by himself. He contended, however, that both the resolution and amendment were strictly in order, and he hoped they would be adopted.

Mr. HOFFMAN of New York alluded to the distress which had existed, and was now existing, in the city of New York, and asserted that the press which had received special favor from the Executive had used its efforts to increase that distress; and when they had petitioned the Executive for relief, in the midst of their distresses, their petitions had been spumed by the official organ of the Government. The power which they received from the Executive was made use of as an engine to strike down the interests of a large class of our citiHe deprecated the course pursued by the party press of the country, but he could not see that we could adopt the resolution now before the House, because in his opinion it went to abrogate an existing statute of the land. He contended that it was not competent for the House to set aside a joint resolution of the two Houses; and that the only means of effecting the object desired by the gentleman who introduced the resolution, would be the passage of a law changing the mode of appointing a public printer.

zens.

The question was then taken on the amendment submitted by Mr. Robertson, and decided in the negative without a division.

The question then recurred on the amendment of Mr. Pickens.

Mr. RENCHER called for the yeas and nays on this amendment, which were ordered.

Mr. REED, of Massachusetts, contended that he laws in relation to the prices for printing were

wholly defective. The law was specific in relation to the setting of types to be sure, but it was entirely defective in relation to the paper to be made use of, in consequence of whick the public printer might use paper which would not be fit for the work. He then moved to amend the amendment, by inserting therein the words "that the quality of the paper be also prescribed in the contract."

The question was then taken on the amendment of Mr. PICKENS, and decided in the affirmative -yeas 112, nays 109.

Mr. CAMBRELENG called for the reading of the resolution as amended, which being read, he said there appeared to be some inconsistency about it. It appeared to him to be important that the public documents already ordered to be printed, should be printed and laid upon our tables, and he did not perceive that the resolution was calculated to effect that object speedily. It seemed to him if the resolution was adopted, that it would be a week or ten days before a single document could be printed, and he therefore hoped it might not be agreed to.

Mr. WISE moved the following amendment: Strike out all after the word "resolved" and insert the following: "That the Clerk of the House be, and he is hereby, authorized to employ the Editors of the Intelligencer and the Madisonian to cxecute the printing of this House, upon the terms of the joint resolution of 1819, until the first Monday in December next."

Mr. CAMBRELENG asked for the yeas and nays; which were ordered.

Mr. McKENNAN moved to lay the whole of the propositions on the table.

Mr. MONTGOMERY asked for the yeas and nays on this motion, but they were not ordered, and the vote was taken by tellers-ayes 117, nays not counted

So the whole subject was laid on the table.

ELECTION OF PRINTER.

The House then resumed the ballot for the choice of a printer to the House for the 25th Congress, commencing with the 6th ballot, (five having been given in yesterday,) and the result was as ollows:

The result of this ballot showing that no choice was yet made, the House was proceeding to a ninth ballot, when

Mr. SLADE moved that the House adjourn.

Mr. CUSHMAN asked for the yeas and nays, but they were not ordered, and the motion was disagreed to without a count.

Mr. TAYLOR submitted the following resolution:

Resolved, That the printer of the House of Representatives for the last Congress, be authorized to print for this House till a public printer shall be duly elected.

Mr. PATTON moved to lay the resolution on the table; upon which

Mr. TAYLOR asked for the yeas and nays, which were ordered, and were-yeas 123, nays 100. So the resolution was laid on the table.

Mr. BOON sent to the table a resolution to be submitted to the House; when

Mr. TALIAFERRO raised the point whether it was in order to move a resolution while the House was engaged on another subject.

The CHAIR ruled otherwise, on the ground that the House being in the execution of its order of yesterday, viz: the election of a printer, ergo all resolutions or motions on that subject were in order. The one about to be submitted, was on the mode of electing the printer, and the House not having prescribed any particular mode, it was in order to make a motion to that effect at any stage of the proceedings. The Chair was decisive on the point, though he would, if it was desired, take the sense of the House upon it.

Mr. TALIAFERRO said he would not press the point.

Mr. BOON'S resolution was then read as follows: Resolved, That in the election of a printer to the House of Representatives for the first session of the 25th Congress the vote of the members shall be given viva voce.

Mr. B. asked for the yeas and nays on the adoption of the resolution, which were ordered.

Mr. PATTON wished the principle of voting for officers of the House to be in all cases viva voce, and was understood to be preparing an amendment to that effect, when,

Mr. EVERETT moved to lay the resolution on the table.

Mr. BOON asked for the yeas and nays, which were ordered, and were-yeas 88, nays 132, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Ayckrigg, Alexander. Heman Allen, John W. Allen, Bell, Biddle, Boud, Borden, Briggs, Bronson, William B. Calhoun, John Calhoon, William B. Campbell, John Campbell, Childs, Clowney, Corwin, Cranston, Crockett, Curtis, Cushing, Darlingtor, Davies, Deberry, Dennis, Elmore, Evans, Everett, Ewing, R. Fletcher, Filmore, Rice Garland, Goode, Grennell, Hail, Halstead, Harlan, Harper, Hastings, Henry, Hoffman, Robert M. T. Hunter, Henry Johnson, W. C. Johnson, Legare, Lincoln, Andrew Loomis, Mallory, Marvin, Samson Mason, Maxwell, McKenna, Menifee, Mercer, Milli gan, Morgan, Matthias Morris, Calvary Morris, Naylor, Noyes, Patterson, Pearce, Phillips, Pope, Potis, Randolph, Reed, Rencher, Rhett, Ridgeway, Rumsey, Russell, Sergeant, Augustine H. Shepperd, Charles Shepard, Sibley, Slade, Smith, Southgate, Stanley, Stratton, Thompson, Tillinghast, Toland, Underwood, Elisha Whittlesey, Lewis Williams, Christopher II. Williams, Wise, and Yorke-88. NAYS-Messrs.

Anderson, Andrews, Atherton, Beatty, Beirne, Bicknell, Birdsall, Boon, Bouldin, Brodhead, Bruyn, Buchanan, Bynum, Cambreleng, Timothy Carter, Wm. B. Carter, Casey, Chaney, Chapman, Cilley, Claiborne, Clark, Cleve land, Coles, Connor, Craig, Cushman, Dawson, Dayee, DeGraff, Dromgoole, Duncan, Dunn, Edwards, Farrington, Fairfield, Foster, Fry, Gallup, James Garland, Gholson, Glascock, James Graham, William Graham, Grantland, Graves, Gray, Haley, Hammond, Hamer, Harrison, Hawes, Hawkins, Haynes, Herod, Holsey, Holt, Hopkins, Howard, Hubley, William H. Hunter, Ingham, Thomas B. Jackson, Jabez Jackson, Jenifer, Joseph Johnson, Nathaniel Jones, John V. Jones, Kenible, Kilgore, Klingenstmith, Leadbetter, Logan, Arphaxed Loomis, James Macon, Martin, Maury, May, McKay, Robert McClellan, Abrahani McClellan, McClure, McKim, Miller, Montgomery, Moore, Morris, Muhlenberg, Murray, Noble, Ogle, Owens, Palmer, Parker, Parmenter, Patton, Paynter, Pennybacker. Petrikin, Phelps, Plumer, Potter, Prentiss, Rariden, Reily, Richardson, Rives, Robertson, Sawyer, Sheffer, Shipler, Snyder, Spencer, Stewart, Taliaferro, Taylor, Thomas, Titus, Toucey, Towns, Turney, Vail, Vandeveer, Wagener, Webster, Weeks, John White, Thomas T. Whittlesey, Sherrod Wil liams, Jared W. Williams, and Worthington-132.

Mr. PATTON then sent the amendments he proposed to submit to the Chair, providing that the election of all other officers, as well as the public printer, should be viva voce.

The CHAIR remarked that the amendment was not strictly in order, because it related to a subject not embraced in the order of the House of yesterday; which read

"Resolved, That this House do now proceed to the choice of a printer to the House for the 25th Congress," and had no reference to any other appointment than that of printer.

Mr. PATTON called the attention of the Chair to the fact, that the resolution of the gentleman from Indiana was itself inconsistent with the terms of the order of yesterday, for the latter provided for the choice of a printer to the whole 25th Congress," ," but the former for only the "first session" of that Congress.

Mr. GHOLSON was in the act of moving to strike out the words "for the first session;" when

Mr. BOON himself modified his resolution by striking out the words referred to.

The CHAIR then entertained the amendment of Mr. PATTON, which, after some remarks from the honorable mover, and Messrs. BOULDIN, DAWSON, and BOON, was agreed to.

The question recurring on the res lution as amended

Mr. BRIGGS considered the resolution entirely unnecessary, and expressed his unfeigned astonishment at the introduction of such a measure, after they had been going on with the ballot for two days. In adverting to the discussion on the same subject, two years ago, he said he had opposed it then, and should do so, be it introduced when or by whom it might.

Mr. BOULDIN replied at some length, in favor of the viva voce mode of voting, and dwelt on its consisteney with the mode and practice of the Old Dominion.

Mr. WISE said, he should vote for the proposi tion, as he had heretofore done on all occasions, when it had been introduced. IIe, however, cautioned gentlemen voting for Thomas Allen, to be on their guard, for that they would be marked and doomed to executive vengeance, the partisan press taking the lead, and giving the cue. For this reason he condemned the introduction of the resolution, though, being in favor of its object, he should vote for it.

Mr. GHOLSON said that he himself, like the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wise,) who last addressed the Chair, was in favor of the viva voce mode of voting, not only in that body, but in all others-not only for public printer, but for every other appointment by the agents of the people. Being in favor of it, also, like the gentleman, he was indisposed to screen himself from this resolution, or to skulk from the responsibility of the open vote proposed by it, for he had never given a vote which he feared to have exposed to his constituents and to the world.

Sir, continued Mr. G. we are here told-we the representative citizens of a free people, we the American Congress of the United States, are gravely told that this House is not free, and that we dare not carry out our own principles! That we, the representatives of a free people, are not independent, and dare not express our own will! It may be that gentlemen have come here with such feelings, but for myelf, sir, I unhesitatingly and unqualifiedly deny the charge. I came here, sir, the representative of the freemen of Mississippi, and stand prepared to carry out their will fearlessly, boldly, and independently; and such I honestly believe to be the situation and the determination of every democrat in this House. There may be individuals here, there may be politicians here, acting on principles at variance with those they entertained when they first entered this hall, and who no longer possess that spirit of independence, and that adherence to principle, which should characterise the representatives of a free people. We are told that this resolution is to affect that party voting for the individual as public printer who has the smallest number of votes, (Thomas Allen,) and the gentleman from Virginia inquires of my friend from Indiana (Mr. Boon) whether any illegal combination, any extraordinary combining of the two political parties has been discovered, rendering it necessary to be exposed to the American people. Let me ask, sir, does that gentleman, for himself and his friends, dread exposure to his constituents by the votes they have here given? If not, why the inquiry? I will tell the gentleman that, from what I know of some of those who have voted for that candidate, they do not dread the responsibility of voting viva roce. Why then this attempt to terrify them? Why tell them their doom is sealed? Whence the necessity of all this? Sir, I have regretted to see the spirit of the speeches we have heard delivered to-day by the two gentlemen from Virginia and South Carolina, (Mr. Wise and Mr. Pickens,) for they were too much characterised by the party spirit of the day. I had hoped that, on such an occasion as this, we should have met in a spirit of harmony and compromise, especially after the declaration of the gentleman from Virginia himself, that this was to be termed "the distress session." Sir, I have the honor to be sent here by a people whose patriotism extends further than their pockets; and though we have suffered cimbarrassinents as severe and as heavy as those that have afflicted any other portion of this Union, they are still prepared to suffer much more for the good of the country.

We, sir, of Mississippi, do not rely alone uponnay, we do not expect-the aid of this nor any other legislative body. Though the message of the President has been already denounced, and characterised as a loco foco document, I will say that if that doctrine prevailed more generally than it does, the influence of bank rags would be lessened, the community less afflicted, and more political honesty found among us than I fear is now the case.

The gentleman from Virginia tells us, that it was his province to investigate into the abuses of this Government, and that one of the great evils was, that we had a partisan press engaged in executing the public printing, and that hence that press was benght up by the Government. A strange conclusion this, sir! Let me ask the gentleman if, in the course of his inquiries about the corruption of the prs, he discovered any thing about the payment of a certain $52,000, by a great moneyed corporation, to buy up a certain press? That corporation had been put down, I hope effectually and for ever, mainly through the exertions of the partisan press alluded to by the gentleman, (the Globe.) I wonder, sir, if the gentleman's labors discovered any trace of $52,000, or any other sum, paid by the late Executive and his administration, or by the present. It the American press has become corrupted, the cause of it may be found in the transaction I have referred to.

Mr. Speaker, why then is it necessary for us to skringe, or to crouch, or to pretend to do either, before Executive influence? Do we dread that influence? Have we any cause to do so? Are we not responsible to our constituents, and to them alone? and if we fear to show our votes, is it not because we rather dread the responsibility we should be under to them, and the account they might call us to? Why, sir, the gentleman from Virginia is the very last man who would be brought to say he dreaded Executive influence, and yet he cautions those who are called conservatives to be on their guard, for that they will be marked! Why, sir, does the gentleman suppose that there are any here possessed of so little independence as to dread the influence of the Executive? Does he pretend to say that it has come to this, that the members of this body, who do not go in accordance with the will of the President, are to be hunted down? Does he think the President is not otherwise employed, than in hunting down, or striving to hunt down, those who may differ with him? Have we come here to legislate for the President, or to make a successor to him? That war I thought, sir, had been over, the people having performed that duty, fortunately, without our intervention. It really does appear to me, therefore, Mr. Speaker, that, if we commence this way, the sooner we leave here, and return to our constituents the authority by which we came here, the more credit we shall be entitled to, and the more honor we shall merit.

I reiterate the hope, sir, that this resolution will be adopted, so that we may be enabled to give an assurance to the American people, that we are willing to take the responsibility of voting for whom we please, and especiaily that we have no dread of being hunted down by executive influence. I wish also to show the American people upon whom this delay is accountable. I wish my constituents to be satisfied that upon me rests not the responsibility of this delay of the public time. What a picture does this proceeding present! We were convened upon an extraordinary emergency, and here have we been for two days engaged in what is called the pitiful election of a public printer. First we have been told that a partisan editor, or the printers of a political paper, ought not to be voted for; and yet the very gentlemen who say so are themselves engaged in voting for one of that character, though of their own political sentiments. Then gentlemen are cautioned not to show how they vote for fear of being hunted down by Executive influence, and every thing is urged calculated to keep up this delay. I do think, however, that the circumstances under which we now are, the number of ineffectual ballotings we have already had, and the consequent delay that has been already produced, render it incumbent upon us, and we owe it to our constituents, to our honor, and our sense of justice, that we should assume the responsibility of show

ing to the world who are the causes of keeping up this delay. To do this requires the passage of this resolution; and again, sir, do I entreat the House to adopt it.

After some further remarks from Messrs. FOSTER, UNDERWOOD, and POPE

The question recurring on the resolution as amended, the House was further addressed on the subject by Messrs. BRIGGS, BOULDIN, WISE, GHOLSON, FOSTER, UNDERWOOD, and POPE; when, after some remarks,

Mr. ROBERTSON moved to postpone the further consideration of the resolution until to-morrow, giving notice of his intention to submit a resolution which should have the effect of putting an end to this continual struggle. Mr. R. read to the House the resolution, which was to sever the connection of the public printing with the political press.

On motion of Mr. GLASCOCK,
The House adjourned at 6 o'clock, p. m.

IN SENATE,

THURSDAY, September 7.

The resolution offered yesterday by Mr. HUBBARD, proposing to amend the thirty-third rule of the Senate, by the insertion of the words "Committee on Patents and the Patent Office," was, on his motion, taken up.

Mr. GRUNDY stated that the reasons which had influenced the mover of the amendment were to provide for the appointment of a committee to have especial charge of every thing relating to patents and the patent office; for neither branch of Congress had ever appointed a committee solely for that purpose. In the Senate, every thing connected with the subject had heretofore been referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. That committec, however, being almost always engaged with subjects of its own of importance, had frequently found it impossible to pay tha: attention to others which they deserved, and hence the necessity of creating a committee to take especial charge of all matters in relation to patents and the patent office. He hoped that the amendment would be adopted. The question was then taken on the adoption of the resolution, and it was agreed to.

A message was received from the President of the United States through Major Van Buren, his private Secretary; which was laid on the table.

Mr. BUCHANAN presented a memorial from certain delegates of a meeting held at Erie, praying for an appropriation to construct a Macadamized turnpike road from the Cumberland road to Lake Erie.

Mr. B. observed that he did not believe that it was the intention of Congress, at this time, to go into the general transaction of busines. Should it be their disposition to do so, which he trusted might not be the case, he would ask to have the memorial referred to an appropriate committee. However, as he had received the memorial, it was his duty to present it. He then moved that it be laid on the table and printed, which was agreed to.

Mr. BUCHANAN also presented a petition from Joseph Morrison, President of the Alleghany College, Meadville, praying for a township of land for that institution; which was laid on the table and ordered to be printed.

Mr. WALKER presented a memorial from the Legislature of Mississippi, requesting their Senators and instructing their Representatives in Congress to advocate the construction of an additional mail route from certain points designated in the said memorial. Also, a communication from the Governor of Mississippi, enclosing certain resolutions of the Legislature in relation to those passed by the Legislature of Maryland, in reference to the franking privilege: laid on the table and ordered to be printed.

Mr. HUBBARD, in pursuance of his motion of yesterday, moved that the Senate proceed to appoint their standing committees, which was agreed to. At the suggestion of Mr. GRUNDY, the Senate first proceeded to elect the chairman, when four had been elected.

The Senate, on motion of Mr. CLAY, unanimously agreed that the committees should be appointed by the Vice President,

On motion of Mr. Wright, 3,000 extra copies of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury were ordered to be printed.

On motion of Mr. KING of Alabama, the Senate went into the consideration of Executive business; and after a short time spent therein, Adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, September 7, 1837.

The House resumed the consideration of the resolution, submitted yesterday by Mr. BOON, which was, as modified by himself, in these words:

R solved, That in the election of a printer to the House of Representatives for the 25th Congress, the vote of the members shall be given viva voce," the amendment of Mr. PATTON extending the principle of voting viva voce, to all other officers appointed by the House, having been adopted:

Mr. ROBERTSON moved to strike out all after he word "resolved," and insert the following:

1. Resolved, That the public printing ought to be separated, as far as practicable, from the political press:

2. Resolved, That to afford time to digest a plan, having that object in view, the Clerk, until further order, contract for all printing ordered by this House, upon the terms and in the manner prescribed by the joint resolution of the 3d March, 1819, distributing the same among the proprietors of the several printing offices, not exceeding four, in the city of Washington, who will execute it on those terms, providing they will undertake to execute it equally, or in such proportions as they will con

tract to execute it.

Mr. ROBERTSON said the question involved in the resolution, was one of deep interest, but he did not consider this the time to go into a discussion of the matter; we have other and important matters to take into consideration, and he hoped the time of the House would not now be consumed in a discussion of a matter of this kind. He had introduced the proposition to get rid of the difficulty in which we have found ourselves involved. This contest for printing appeared to be a contest for political power, and from the manner in which political parties were now divided, it must be evident that unless one party or the other yields, there can be no union and no election can take place. The object of his proposition was to avoid the difficulty, for it was not to be expected that either party would yield the ground they had taken. He could not see that any gentleman could object to this proposition, and he submitted it to the House, hoping it might be adopted; because he apprehended that if the House did not adopt some such proposition as the one submitted by himself, a great portion of our session would be spent in determining the question as to who was to be elected public printer. We have other and higher duties to perform here, than to contend for the choice of a printer of the House, and he therefore hoped that his amendment might be speedily adopted.

Mr. GARLAND of Virginia, asked the indulgence of the House for a moment or two upon the subject of this resolution, growing out of the peculiar position he then occupied.

With regard to the abstract proposition of his honorable colleague, (Mr. Robertson,) he regarded it as a sound one, yet he believed it, at present at least, impracticable in execution. He thought the public printing should be, if practicable, separated from the public press, but yet the public press were the political engines of the country, and the Government itself was a Government of politics; and it would be as impossible to make the separation as it would be to separate any thing else of the most ebdurate and difficult character. He should therefore vote against it.

In relation to the proposition to distribute the printing, he was utterly opposed to it. The House had one of two duties to perform. It must either designate the public printer, or select an agent for the performance of that duty. If it selected an agent, it must select one who could have the print ing done with neatness, care, and despatch, and in whom they could confide.

In relation to another point, growing out of the resolutions of yesterday, he wished to say a few

words. He was one of that humble few, of that single twenty-two, who had voted for a particular individual (Thomas Allen) for printer. His determination to support that individual had been formed, not on account of private hostility to the late public printer, nor on account of any arrangement, management, or intrigue, with the friends of either of the other competitors for the office, for he had had none; but it had grown out of the fact that he stood pledged to his constituents to support a set of opinions which the editors of the Globe stand pledged to war against. Hence it was that, while the friends of Gales and Seaton, and the friends of the editors of the Globe, were all advocating their claims, it was but an humble privilege which he had exercised in supporting the claims of Thomas Allen, with whom he agreed in opinion. When Mr. G. had been approached on this subject, he had been distinct in the annunciation to all who approached him, that he should not vote for Gales and Seaton, because he differed from them materially, and more materially than he did from Bair and Rives. If, however, he was young for a wolf in sheep's clothing, he should deeply regret it; but till he found it out, neither wrath or indignation should ever drive him from his position.

Mr. G. said that one of his honorable colleagues (Mr. Wise) had made a remark yesterday which had drawn him out on this occasion. The party to which Mr. G belonged had been called conservatives, and he admitted he belonged to that party. He agreed also in the general tenor of the remarks of his colleague; but he understood him to say that they (the conservatives) were marked, and were put aside, as the "fatted calf," for execution. Mr. G. hoped the information of his colleague was incorrect, but yet he had no terror pressing upon him that any kind of proscription would follow him, so long as he merited the approbation of his constituents in the position he had taken, having in his own breast a sense of rectitude.

Mr. WISE made a brief explanation.

Mr. GARLAND said he understood his colleague then as now. Mr. G. continued: He had sought no controversy with any one; but if it came, it came from others, and not from himself. Mr. G. then referred to the history of one of the Roman consuls, who had put his son to death for disobedience of orders, as applicable to the case in point, and added that if he was to be executed, even the knowledge of such a determination should not drive him from any opinions he had entertained heretofore. Them he would never desert, for he had honestly and conscientiously entertained them; and nothing under the heavens should ever induce him to desert them. His motto should be "My country first, and then with the party with which I can honestly and conscientiously go." Upon this principle he had stood and voted for Speaker, and was then standing in voting for public printer; and come what would, he should ever stand upon that position.

Mr. CLARKE said he had no hesitation in voting for the proposition to take the vote viva voce, for he had no desire to disguise from the House, or from his constituents, that he had all along voted for Thomas Allen in preference to Blair and Rives. But as this discussion would probably be prolonged, he thought it better to take some other opportunit of considering it; and he therefore moved to lay the whole subject on the table.

Mr. ROBERTSON asked for the yeas and nays, but the House refused to order them, and the motion to lay on the table was agreed to without a division.

Mr. GRAVES then offered the following resolution:

Reselved, That the Clerk of this House be directed to contract with Thomas Allen to do the printing of this House until a printer is elected, provided that the contract can be made upon terms as favorable to the Government as those upon which similar services were performed during the last Congress.

Mr. GRAVES said he proposed to submit but a remark or two as to the reason which had induced him to submit this resolution.

We have employed the greater portion of two ays in a fruitless attempt to elect a printer. We

have balloted eight times unsuccessfully, and without any certain prospect of procuring a majority of all the members present to unite on any one of the three candidates for whom we have been thus far balloting, as long as all continue to be voted for. Now, inasmuch as the sense of the Honse has been taken upon the resolution of a gentleman from New York, (Mr. Taylor,) that the editors of the Globe should be employed by the House to do the printing until an election could be made, and as a majority could not be procured in favor of that resolution, although Mr. Allen is not my first choice, as I think a majority can be more likely united on him, I have offered this resolution. If it should fail, one can then be offered in favor of the editors of the Intelligencer, so as to have expressed the sense of the House as to each of the three prominent candidates.

M. PATTON moved to lay the resolution on the table; whereupon,

Mr. GHOLSON asked for the yeas and nays. Mr. LEGARE hoped the gentleman would withdraw the proposition, and was proceeding in his remarks; when,

Mr. PATTON rose to a question of order, that the motion to lay on the table was not a debatable

one.

Mr. WILLIAMS of Kentucky, submitted to the Chair, whether the resolution itself was in order, since it interposed between the ballot for public printer.

The CHAIR ruled that it was in accordance with the decisions of yesterday.

The House then, by tellers, refused to order the yeas and nays.

Mr. GRAVES said that, perceiving that the resolution which he had submitted is not acceptable to the House, he had arisen with a view of withdrawing it. But before he did so, he begged leave to say a word in reply to the remark of the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Legare,) who said that he disclaimed any desire on the part of the friends of Mr. Allan, that this resolution should be adopted. Which is, that he did not act in reference to the wishes of the friends of Mr. Allen, or of any other editor, in submitting his resolution, but solely with a view of subserving the public good. [Here the Speaker called Mr. Graves to order, and remarked it was out of order to submit any remarks pending a motion to lay upon the table.] Mr. Graves then said he was fully apprized that his remarks, like those of the gentleman from South Carolina, were not strictly in order. But as the Chair did not interposed until a question was regularly made by a member, in the case of that gentleman, he was somewhat surprised at its remarkable pertinacity in the case of himself, when but a remark had been made. Mr. G. then withdrew the resolution.

The House then proceeded to a ninth ballot for printer, and the result being announced, was as follows:

Mr. HOWARD then submitted the following resolution:

Resolved, That the further balloting for a printer, under the resolution of Tuesday last, be suspended until the third Monday of September inst. and that temporarily, and until said third Monday in September, the printer to the last House of Representatives be employed to execute the printing of the House upon the same terms and conditions that were agreed upon at the last Congress.

Mr. RENCHER inquired if this resolution was in order. It appeared to him, that it was of a character similar to one offered on a former occasion.

Mr. HOWARD remarked that his resolution was a mere temporary expedient, whereas the resolution of yesterday might have run through the whole session. Mr. H. said that the reason why he offered the resolution was, that he considered that we had spent time enough in this preparatory

stage of our proceedings in a fruitless effort to elect a public printer.

Mr. BRIGGS rose to a point of order. He had understood the Chair on yesterday to decide a resolution similar to the one now before the House out of order; because it was on a different subject from the one immediately before the House. If so, the resolution of the gentleman could not be in order.

The CHAIR stated that the resolution decided to be out of order on yesterday, did not prepose to suspend the balloting which was then progressing, whereas the present resolution did propose a suspension of further balloting.

Mr. HOWARD proceeded. We had spent time enough in this fruitless effort in his opinion, and the pressure of the public business would not permit us further to progress in this matter to the waste of the time of the House. We have already ordered 20,000 copies of the message to be printed for the purpose of being disseminated among the people, so that we might learn some expression of opinion from them on the subject. The people expect us to send out this message to them, and it is but proper that we should gratify the public expectation. He knew gentlemen would say that the message would be published in the newspapers of the country; but that was no reason why we should Rot send out speedily the messages we had ordered to be printed; besides there were many places where newspapers were not printed which required our attention. We are told in the message of the President that, by the first day of October, there will be many matters of importance to claim our attention. The instalments due the States come due by that time, and, if they are to be paid, it will be necessary to provide means of paying the instalments. The merchants' bonds also become due at that time, and it will be necessary to have some action on the subject. If they are to be extended further, it is time that the subject was taken into consideration. The law in relation to the funds to be distributed to the States must either be repealed, or the means provided of making the payments, as it is out of the power of the Treasury Department to We have now but three meet the payments. weeks to organize the House, appoint committees, digest a plan for meeting the emergency in which As this we have been placed, and adopt it. duty was to be performed, it was time we were proceeding with it. If the deposite law is enforced, we are told that the Treasury will be short some six millions of dollars. It, therefore, behooves us to go to work instantly, with a view of meeting the case. He considered that they had no more time to lose in ballotings, and he considered that his resolution proposed a plan by which we could proceed with our business, appoint our committees, and have something done by the first of October. From the position in which they had been placed, he felt it incumbent upon himself to submit the resolution before the House, and he hoped it would be adopted.

Mr. PATTON said that the majority of the House, not the party majority, had determined to proceed to the execution of the order of yesterday, in relation to the election of a printer by ballot. They had manifested this determination in a great variety of forms; and it was useless to endeavor to prevent them from carrying out this determinationIt had been asserted on yesterday, in a tone of me. nace, that it was desired to let the country see who it was that was wasting the time of the House in this scuffle for public printer. The country will now see it. This motion comes from the friends of that candidate which the majority of the House have determined not to elect. Why was it that these motions are pressed upon us, when it is known that they can have no other effect than to delay the business of the House? It struck him as very curious, that the more near we come to effecting an election, the more ready certain gentlemen are to assert that the effort will be fruitless. He thought he saw in the last two or three ballotings that the matter was likely to be brought to a speedy termination; and he hoped gentlemen would forbear in their efforts to keep off an election. He concluded by moving to lay the resolution on the table.

Mr. HARRISON called for the yeas and nays,

which were ordered, and were-yeas 116, nays 107, as follows:

YEAS- Mesers. A lanis, Ayekrigg, Alexander, Heman Allen, John W. Allen, Beli, Biddle, Bond, Borden, Bouldin, Briggs, William B. Calhoun, John Calhoon, William B. Campbell, John Campbell, William B. Carter, Casey, Chambers, Clowney, Corwin, Cranston, Crockett, Curtis, Cushing, Darlington, Dawson, Davies, Deberry, Dennis, Dunn, Elmore, Evans, Everett, Ewing, R. Fletcher, Filmore, Rice Garland, Goode, James Graham, William Graham, Grantland, Graves, Grennell, Griffin, Hall, Halstead, Harlan, Harper, Hastings, Hawes, Henry, Herod, Holman, Hopkins, Robert T. II. Hunter, Jenifer, Henry Johnson, William Cost Johnson, Legare, Lincoln, Andrew Loomis, Mallory, Marvin, Samson Mason, Maury, May, Maxwell, McKennan, Menifee, Mercer, Milligan, C. Morris, Naylor, Noyes, Ogle, Patterson, Tatton, Pearce, Peck, Phillips, Pickens, Plumer, Pope, Potts, Rariden, Randolph, Read, Rencher, Rhett, Ridgeway, Rives, Robertson, Rumsey, Russell, Sawyer, Sergeant, Augustine H. Skepperd, Charles Shepard, Sibley, Slade, Snyder, Southgate, Stanley, Stewart, Stratton, Tallaferro, Thompson, Tillinghast, Toland, Underwood, John White, Elisha Whittlesey, Lewis Williams, Sherrod Williams, Christopher H. Williams, Wise, and Yorke-116.

NAYS Messrs. Anderson, Andrews, Atherton, Beatty, Beirne, Bicknell, Birdsall, Boon, Brodhead, Bronson, Bruyn, Buchanan, Bynum, Cambreleng, Timothy Carter, Chapman, Cilley, Claiborne. Clark, Cleveland, Coles, Connor, Craig, Cushman, Davec, DeGrail, Dromgoole, Duncan, Edwards, FarTgton, Fairfield, Isaac Fletcher, Foster, Fry, Gallup, Gholson, Glascock, Grant, Gray, Haley, Hammond, Hamer, Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Holsey, Holt, Howard, Hubley, William H. Hunter, Ingham, T. B. Jackson, J. Jackson, J. Johnson, N. Jones, John W. Jones, Kemble, Klingensmith, Leadbetter, Logan Arphaxed Loomis, James M. Mason, Martin, McKay, Robert McClellan, Abraham McClellan, McClure, McKim, Miller, Montgomery, Moore, Morgan, Samuel W. Morris, Muhlenberg, Murray, Noble, Owens, Palmer, Parker, Parmenter, Paynter, Pennybacker, Petrikin, Phelps, Potter, Pratt. Prentias, Reily, Sheffer, Shipler, Smith, Spencer, Taylor, Thomas, Titus, Toucey, Towns, Turney, Vail, Vandeveer, Wagener, Webster, Weeks, Thomas T. Whittlesey, Jared W. Williams, and Worthington-107.

So the resolution was laid on the table.

Mr. HARRISON of Missouri then submitted the following resolution:

Resolved, That for the purpose of putting an end to further ineffectual ballotings for printer to the House, in future ballotings, the persons receiving the fewest number of votes upon a count shall be dropped, and the balloting shall be continued between the two receiving the highest number of

votes.

Mr. McKAY called the attention of the House to the fact, that they had not proceeded in accordance with the resolution of 1819; and even if we had, that resolution was believed by a good number of gentlemen to be unconstitutional, and not binding upon them. If, then, it was not binding upon them, the inquiry might arise whether Blair and Rives, having received a plurality of votes, were not elected. In proof of this, he alluded to the case in the Senate in 1829, in which a resolu tion was adopted declaring Duff Green printer of the Senate when he had received but a plurality of votes. Taking this as a precedent, he would inquire whether it was not in the power of the House to declare Blair and Rives printers to the House. He would not go into this subject, but merely threw out these suggestions for the consideration of gen

tlemen.

Mr. PATTON would be glad to have a vote by yeas and nays on the proposition, whether Blair and Rives were elected printers, as he should like to know how the democratic republicans would stand on this question; but as the question could not now be made, he would move to lay the resolution of the gentleman from Missouri on the table.

Mr. HARRISON called for the yeas and nays, which were not ordered, and the motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

The House then proceeded with a tenth ballot, the result of which was declared to be as follows: Whole number of notes

Necessary to a choice

For Blair and Rives

Gales and Seaton

Thomas Allen

Scattering

Blanks

229

Whereupon Thomas Allen was declared duly electe, printer to the House for the 25th Congress.

On motion of Mr. WHITTLESEY of Ohio the House took up the resolution submitted on Monday last by Mr. MERCER, proposing to adopt the rules and orders of the last House of Representatives, with the exception of those relating to the appointment and duties of the Committee on Elections, the reference of which he moved to a select committee.

The question pending, was the amendment of Mr. ADAMS to refer the whole subject, together with the report of the select committee of the last Congress thereon, to a select committee.

Mr. ADAMS having withdrawn his amendment, Mr. BELL suggested the propriety of referring the whole subject generally to a committee, to report at some future day, either on the first Monday in October, or the first Monday of December next, the House acting in the mean time, under the old rules.

After some remarks from Messrs. MERCER and PATTON, Mr. ADAMS withdrew his proposition.

Mr GRAHAM then submitted an amendment proposing to adopt the rules of the last House of Representatives for ten days, and submitting said rules to a special committee to revise and report thereon in ten days.

After some remarks from Messrs. SMITH of Maine, WHITTLESEY of Ohio, CAMBRELENG, BELL, and UNDERWOOD,

Mr. MERCER modified his resolution, by referring the subject of the rules to a special committee, to be repoted upon in ten days, and that the rules of the last House of Representatives, with the exception of that in relation to the Committee of Elections, be adopted for the government of the House for the ensuing ten days.

Mr. HAMER then moved to strike out all after the word resolved, and insert an amendment that the rules and orders of the last House of Representatives, excepting the 107th rule, be adopted for the government of the Honse until Friday, the 15th instant; and that a special committee be appointed to prepare and report rules for the government of he House.

After some remarks from Messrs. HAMER and MERCER, the amendment was disagreed toayes 86, noes 89.

Mr. HAMER then moved to amend, by striking out that part in relation to the Committee of Elections, and insert " 'except the one hundred and seventh rule."

Mr. H. subsequently, at the request of Mr. CAMBRELENG, modified his motion by moving to strike out the exception in relation to the Committee of Elections; which motion was agreed toayes 100, noes not counted.

After some remarks by Messrs. POPE and MERCER, the resolution was adopted.

On motion of Mr. WHITTLESEY of Ohio, Ordered, That the several standing committees be now appointed, according to the rules and orders of the House.

Mr. BIDDLE then submitted the following resolution, which by the rule lies over one day.

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury report to this House, whether a letter purporting to be addressed by him to the Clerk of the House, offering payment in specie to members of Congress, is authentic; if so, to what other claimants on the Treasury, a similar offer has been made, and what principle of discrimination, if any, has been adopted in the medium of payment to the public creditors.

On motion,

The House then adjourned.

IN SENATE. FRIDAY, September 8, 1837. The CHAIR announced the appointment of the following standing committees:

On Foreign Relations-Messrs. Buchanan, Tallmadge, King of Georgia, Clay of Kentucky, and Rives.

On Finance-Messrs. Wright, Webster, Nicholas, Benton, and Hubbard.

On Commerce-Messrs. King of Ala. Davis, Brown, Ruggles, and Norvell.

On Manufactures-Messrs. Niles, Buchanan, Preston, Strange, and Pierce.

On Agriculture-Messrs. Smith of Conn. Spence, Linn, McKean, and Black.

On Military Affairs-Messrs. Benton, Preston, Tipton, Wall, and Allen.

On Militia-Messrs. Wall, Swift, Clay of Ala. Mouton, and Smith of Indiana.

On Naval Affairs-Messrs. Rives, Southard, Tallmadge, Cuthbert, and Williams.

On Public Lands-Messrs. Walker, Fulton, Clay of Alabama, Roane, and Prentiss.

On Private Land Claims-Messrs. Linn, Sevier, Bayard, Mouton, and Lyon.

On Indian Affairs-Messrs. White, Sevier, Tipton, Linn, and Swift.

On Claims-Messrs. Hubbard, Tipton, Crittenden, Strange, and Young.

On the Judiciary-Messrs. Grundy, Morris, King of Georgia, Wall, and Clayton.

On Post Offices and Post Roads-Messrs. Robinson, Grundy, Knight, Brown and Niles.

On Roads and Canals—Messrs. Tipton, M’Kean, Nicholas, Young and Williams.

On Pensions-Messrs. Morris, Sevier, Prentiss, Pierce and Roane.

On Revolutionary Claims-Messrs. Brown, White, Crittenden, Norvell and Smith of Con.

On the District of Columbia-Messrs. Kent, King of Alabama, Nicholas, Roane and Allen.

On Palents and Patent Office-Messrs. Ruggles, Strange, Bayard, Prentiss and Robinson.

On Contingent Expenses of the Senate-Messrs. McKean, Tallmadge, and Black.

On Engrossed Bills-Messrs. Clay of Alabama Smith of Indiana, and Norvell.

On Enrolled Bills-Messrs. Sinith of Connecticut, Lyon, and Allen.

On motion of Mr. WRIGHT, so much of the President's message as relates to the subject of Finance, as also of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, was referred to the Committee on Fi

nance.

On motion of Mr. GRUNDY, so much of the message as relates to the Judiciary, was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, as was also so much of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury as relates to that subject.

Mr. GRUNDY moved that when the Senate adjourn it adjourn till Monday next; which was agreed to.

Mr. NICHOLAS presented a memorial from the Chamber of Commerce, New Orleans, praying the establishment of a national bank; which was referred to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. GRUNDY presented a memorial from Mr. Teakle, a Senator in the Legislature of Maryland, giving his views generally, on the subject of finance; which was referred to the Committee on Finance, and ordered to be printed.

On motion of Mr. HUBBARD, the Senate went into the consideration of Executive business; and when the doors were opened,

Mr. WHITE announced the death of the Hon. J. STANDEFER, a member elect of the House of Representatives. Mr. W. then offered the following resolutions:

Resolved, unanimously, That as a testimony of respect for the memory of the Hon. JAS. STANDEFER, late a member elect of the House of Representatives from the State of Tennessee, the Senate will go into mourning, by wearing crape on the left arm for thirty days.

Resolved unanimously, That as an additional mark of respect to the memory of the deceased, the Senate do now adjourn.

The resolutions having been unanimously adopted, The Senate adjourned.