SENATE.

state.

three pence per pound on tea, when in our colonial gentlemen who express so much concern for the state. It is now a question whether Great Brit-Treasury Department, tell us that the gentleman ain shall regulate by force the whole of our com- at the head of that Department possesses the merce, in contempt and violation of the laws of most splendid financial talents, &c. Mr. G. said, nations, when we affect to be in an independent he hoped he did; and he was not disposed to deIf, sir, our fathers had condescended to tract aught from this impression; but he could calculate the costs of a tax of three pence on a not help remarking that he should feel more conpound of tea, compared with the costs of the war fidence in that gentleman's financial reputation, for achieving our independence, as some of their if it were founded more on facts, and less on rusons are now doing with respect to the value of mor and anticipation. The honorable Secretary's our commerce submitted to the regulation of financial reputation was made to his hands by Great Britain, we should not now have it in our others. He had little or no share in it. He has power to degrade their memories, by the profli- annually given us the most lucid views of the gate abandonment of the independence achieved amount and manner of revenue received at the for us by the profusion of their blood and treasure. Treasury, which was provided by others, and the And what, sir, became of the forty-six thousand manner in which it has been disbursed for the eight hundred and ninety one men raised to op- purposes of the Government. But this is no difpose Great Britain in 1776? We know they ficult task, and is no evidence of financial skill, were often compelled to fly before superior Brit- which he understood to consist in the faculty of ish forces, and by the waste of the war and short getting the most money into the Treasury, with enlistments, were reduced in 1783, to 13,476. Yet the least inconvenience to the contributors. He we seem now to be willing to fall into this same was not disposed, however, to complain of this fatal error-and for what? and for what cause? | inactivity on the part of the honorable Secretary, From groundless and visionary fears of the pos- because the Government had never called upon sible influence of regular troops upon our liber-him for greater exertions, and, perhaps, had no ties. But, sir, these fears come too late. They occasion to have made such a call, until about should have come upon us long ago. It is too three years ago. But, sir, what does this gentlelate to say, we are more afraid of the means of man tell us, upon whose splendid talents we all annoyance, than the enemy to be annoyed. We rely? That the national resources are equal to ought to have submitted long ago. We have now all the national exigencies. In his last report, he taken the ground of resistance, and cannot re- says, in substance, there can be no doubt of the cede. He hoped that the considerations urged ability and the will of the nation to furnish all the other day upon this subject, were sufficient the necessary supplies. If, then, reliance can be to demonstrate the fallacy of these alarms, and placed on his splendid financial talents, only give their unfortunate tendency in relation to the pub- them scope for action; apply them to the national lic welfare in the present state of our affairs. ability and will; let them perform the simple task Upon these views of the whole subject, he trusted of pointing to the true modus operandi; and what that the Senate would concur with the commit- reason have we to despair of the Republic? What tee in opinion, that the number of men recom- reason have we to doubt of the abundance of the mended is not too great for the purposes of the Treasury supplies? Until now the honorable Government, nor beyond the convenient abil- Secretary has had no scope for the demonstration ities of the United States. of his splendid financial talents. Of all the revMr. G. said, he would now proceed to the ten- enues receivable at the Treasury, he knew of but derest point of this discussion-the decrepit state one fund for which we are indebted to the sugof the Treasury Department. Mr. G. said, he did gestion of that gentleman. That is what is called not think this the true standard for estimating the the Mediterranean fund; and that is annually national resources, nor energies; nor for estimat-presented to us in a very awkward and crooked ing the means necessary for repelling aggressions upon our national rights; nor is it the one recommended in the President's responsible Message. But the honorable mover had said it demanded and ought to receive our first attention. He complained, too, that Mr. G. had said the objects at stake were too great for counting the costs. Mr. G. said this was not precisely the view he had before presented on this part of the subject. The opinion he expressed was, that there would be an economy in furnishing means sufficient to effect your objects; that the costs could not be deemed excessive, which would insure success; but if you dealt out your means so sparingly as to fail of your object, it would then become prodigal waste and profusion of economy. To this opinion he still adhered; and he thought there never was an occasion where the remark would apply with more force and propriety than at present. The

form. But, against this may be placed the repeal of the salt tax; one of the most improvident measures ever adopted by this or any other Government. He presumed the Secretary, at least, yielded his assent to that measure. Mr. G. said, he was extremely opposed to this measure at the time of its adoption; had twice reported against it, as the chairman of a committee, to whom the subject was referred; and he believed it was twice rejected by this honorable body. His single vote, he believed, turned the scale. He should have persevered in his opposition, notwithstanding the popular cry raised at the time; but he yielded at length to an imposing claim urged on him by many members of the House of Representatives. The House of Representatives was peculiarly intrusted by the Constitution with the power of raising revenue; and it could hardly be considered as correct in a single individual, in the other branc

DECEMBER, 1811.

Additional Military Force.

SENATE.

of the Legislature, to put his veto to a measure, in relation to revenue, which was recommended by so large a majority of that branch, to whose discretion all subjects of revenue were intrusted in a peculiar manner. To this claim, and the very high respect he entertained for the House of Rep-rejection, to issue letters of marque and reprisal resentatives, he yielded a reluctant consent, upon condition that the repeal should be postponed until one month after the meeting of the next session of Congress, and that the House of Representatives would again review and consider the subject. The month elapsed without re-enacting the law, and the tax ceased.

opposition of the Executive, acting, he believed, under the same unfortunate influence. This measure consisted in presenting to the aggressing belligerents an impartial and honorable proposition for accommodation; and in the event of its against the refusing nation. This measure was so strongly and obviously recommended by the peculiar circumstances under which we were coercively placed by both the belligerents, that he was astonished at the anxious opposition it received; and to the success of that opposition, after the embargo was abandoned, may clearly be traced all our present sufferings and degradations. Both the belligerents had determined that we should be no longer neutral; and had adopted the most injurious measures in relation to us, to coerce us into the war; each urging us to war against its enemy. What was the proper and manly reply to these aggressing nations? Here is a proposition of accommodation to each of you; if either accepts, we pledge ourselves to issue letters of marque and reprisal against the other, it refusing the accommodation. This was the very in-situation in which each wished to place us against its enemy; and of course both would probably have accepted the proposition; one or other certainly would; and if the acceptance of one before the other would have produced a state of hostilities against the other, it would have been of very short continuance; because neither of them would find any interest in a war against us, and each wished us to take a part in the war, not against itself, but against its enemy; and perhaps the accommodation would not be the less durable for having been sealed with blood. This measure was not opposed upon its intrinsic merits nor demerits, but it required to be backed with other measures of preparation and expense, and hence the real cause of its failure. The practical unMr. G. said the recession of the Treasury De- derstanding of the rejection of this measure, both partment from the trying difficulties of the nation at home and abroad, was submission to the belduring that period, must be evident to every im- ligerent aggressions; or, in other words, notwithpartial observer; and he believed he was acquaint-standing all our previous patriotic speeches and ed with circumstances which amounted to a resolutions, we were determined not to resist by knowledge that all the measures which have dis- force. And what has been the result of this conhonored the nation during the same time, are, in viction on the part of the belligerents, of submisa great degree, attributable to the indisposition of sion on our part? Great Britain immediately the late and present Administration to press on disavowed an arrangement made by Mr. Erskine, the Treasury Department, and to disturb the under the influence of instructions given under popularity and repose of the gentleman at the a contrary conviction, a conviction produced by head of it. That the inexecution of the embargo the measures of this body, and by a report made is properly attributable to that cause, he had no by a gentleman, then a member of the House of doubt; and notwithstanding all the clamor upon Representatives, and whom he then saw with that subject, its inexecution produced its repeal. pleasure on this floor, and a resolution adopted in The Executive refused to incur the expense, and consequence of that report. This resolution deaccept the means necessary for its effectual exe-clared our determination to resist the belligerent cution; which, he believed, would have been aggressions, with only two dissentient votes. The readily and zealously granted by Congress upon measures of this House, without any declaration, the Executive request, at any moment. When were calculated to produce the same conviction. we were driven from that measure by the inexe-In this state of things Mr. Erskine received his cution of the law, this honorable body proposed a substitute, in his judgment infinitely better calculated to retrieve the honor and promote the interest of the nation, than the embargo itself. It was done too against the known and anxious

Mr. G. said he never gave a vote more against the convictions of his own judgment than he did on that occasion, although the motive was one which he conceived ought to exempt him from censure. If gentlemen will now multiply the product of that tax, by the number of years since it was taken off, they would find it would have produced all the sums which have since been called for by loans, provided no greater expenditures had been incurred by the Government than have taken place. Besides the diminution of Treasury funds, it has had the most baneful fluence upon the salt works which had been established under its protection, and which would, under the influence of the same protection, in a very short time, have rendered us independent of foreign nations for the supply of this article of the first necessity. He was not disposed, however, on these accounts, to distrust the splendid financial talents of the honorable Secretary; although candor compelled him to acknowledge that he should feel more confidence in them, if it were not for the unwillingness evidently manifested by that gentleman himself, during the last three years, in affording their usefulness to the Government, in times which imperiously demanded their full and prompt exertions.

instructions, and a satisfactory arrangement with Great Britain was the consequence; but the moment Great Britain found we had receded from our own ground, and falsified our professions, she disavowed the arrangement, and, now perseveres

Additional Military Force.

And resolved in the affirmative-yeas 118, nays 2, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Tenas follows:

Of course the resistance mentioned in the resolution, was intended to be resistance by force-not by com-houn, Clay, Cutts, Deane, Desha, Fisk, Green, Holmercial restriction. Look forward at the infidelity manifested to the principle of this resolution; and reflect upon its disastrous consequences. Attempts are now industriously making to cast the public odium upon those, who could not be driven from this wise, manly and pledged policy. Do they deserve it? Why are such attempts made?

The Senate proceeded to consider the amendments. of the House of Representatives to the bill, entitled "An act to interdict the commereial intercourse bebetween the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes."

Yeas and Nays on the passage of the bill to inter-ish

dict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes:

YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Condit, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Leib, Mathewson, Meigs, Milledge, Mitchill, Moore, Pope, Robinson,

SENATE.

Additional Military Force.

DECEMBER, 1811.

say, that he was unprepared to oppose a very un- as soon as an opportunity presented, would most expected motion, when he, Mr. A., had two days certainly be thrown into that country. Mr. A. before, whilst the bill was under consideration, said, upon a fair view of the whole subject, as it suggested his intention, in his place, to make the presented itself to him, he was decidedly of opinmotion he had now made; upon which the honor-ion that the number of regular troops to be raised able member expressed a wish to postpone the con- by that bill ought not to exceed 16,000; and he sideration of the question, and immediately moved had no hesitation in saying, that in his opinion, the postponement of the bill, which was not op- as efficient a force would be raised under such a posed, and of course prevailed. Mr. A. said, that provision within the time limited for taking the the motion was not, therefore, made without due field, as would be raised were the present numnotice, and, he would add, without due consider- ber in the bill retained-and in the former case, ation. He had consulted with a number of the we should prove to our enemies, that we were members of this honorable body for whose judg- able to raise such a number of regular troops as ment and opinions he had great respect, and with might be wanted upon a sudden emergency; but whose approbation, and he might indeed add, at in the latter, we should not be able to make the whose instance, the motion had been made. He same exhibit. What then would be the consewas, however, himself ready and willing to meet quence? You would give a most mortifying all the responsibility that might attach to it; not proof that your means were not commensurate withstanding the surprise of the honorable mem- to your ends; that your plan had been badly diber as to the quarter from which it had come. gested, and worse executed. And surely the gentlemen can have no desire to present such a state of things, at the very moment when all the energies of the nation seem to be required. Mr. A. said, to avoid this extraordinary exhibit was also one of his objects; and this, in his opinion, could be done by taking the course he had contemplated; reduce the number of regulars, and supply the deficiency by volunteers. This, he firmly believed, was in our power. Combine the two corps; take nearly an equal number of each; and the object intended could be effected. Mr. A. said, he was convinced that it was the mode the President had contemplated, and he entirely approved it; and if the honorable member had attended to another part of the President's Message where it speaks of volunteers, he must himself have been convinced, that

Mr. A. said, he should not pretend to reply to all the various observations the gentleman had thought proper to make, very many of which he considered altogether irrelevant to the question under consideration, but which might, perhaps, answer some other purpose, which the honorable member might have in view.

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the President did not mean to make the descent upon Canada with the 10,000 regulars only; which had been understood, as the gentleman had stated, to be the auxiliary force referred to in the Message. The object of the President cannot be better explained than by referring to the Message itself. He says "I recommend, accordingly, that adequate provision be made for filling the 'ranks and prolonging the enlistments of the regu

Mr. A. said, he was as strongly impressed with the necessity of a sufficient force, for the invasion of Canada, as the gentleman from Virginia could possibly be, and not a single expression had escaped him to induce a belief that he should be unwilling to vote a proper and ample force for that service; but he differed greatly with the gentleman as to the kind of force we ought immediately to employ. The honorable member appeared to place his sole dependence upon the regular troops; and yet, if he understood his argument, he was decidedly in favor of making a descent upon Canada early in the Spring. As to the time, Mr. A. agreed with him; but as to the means, he certainly differed very greatly from him. The number of regulars contemplated by the gentleman could not possibly be raised within the time; he was therefore of opinion, that a less number ought to be inserted in the bill. It should be recollected that we had very recently author-lar ized the regiments on the Peace Establishment to be filled; they would require at least 6,000 men; add thereto 25,000 more, the number proposed by the honorable member, and he would ask him to answer candidly, whether he really believed that so great a number of regular troops could be enlisted within the time required for the service to be performed. Mr. A. said, impressed, as he was, with a firm belief that not more than half the number proposed by the honorable member could be enlisted within the time they must take the field in order to act efficiently against Canada, he could not see the propriety of retaining the whole number contemplated by the bill. Mr. A. said, it must be well known to every gentleman, that the invasion of Canada must necessarily take place before the breaking up of the ice in the river St. Lawrence; otherwise, twice 25,000 would be required-because large reinforcements,

6

troops; for an auxiliary force, to be engaged for a more limited time; for the acceptance of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a participation in urgent services." The manner in which the President speaks of the volunteers, can leave no doubt upon the mind of any one as to the service in which they were to be employed-they are evidently intended to be united with the regular troops, to perform urgent services, according to the express language of the Message. Mr. A. would ask the honorable member, what was the urgent service meant by the President? Most certainly, a descent upon Canada, in which the regulars and volunteers were equally to participate. Why then, the honorable member had taken so much pains to prove that the 10,000 regulars were the only military force with which the President had intended to perform the urgent service referred to in his Message, Mr. A. was at a loss to comprehend;