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Naval Establishment.

JANUARY, 1812.

mischief, but that they never have been compe- on a navy and fortifications, which has been pretent to protect and perpetuate the commerce of sented by the gentleman from South Carolina, any nation. Holland was an extensively com- (Mr. CHEVES,) I cannot perceive its bearing on mercial and naval Power, and how was her com- the present question. If, as the gentleman seems merce destroyed? The advocates of a navy to suppose, the proposed Naval Establishment have furnished the answer:-by the navigation would dispense with fortifications, the comparisystem of England. Certain municipal commer- son would be applicable; but a reference to the cial regulations in the British ports ruined the report with which he has furnished the House, trade of Holland, her navy to the contrary not-will clearly show that such is not the calculation. withstanding. Well, sir, what is the inference? The Secretary of the Navy remarks, that twelve That a navy is necessary or adequate to the seventy-fours and twenty frigates "would be commaintenance of commerce? Unquestionably not.petent,"-" uniting, occasionally, in operations It proves all the opponents to this bill can desire: with gunboats already built, if equipped and that commerce is neither dependent on such pro- brought into service, and our fortifications" "to tection, nor capable of being maintained by it. afford complete protection to our harbors" Thus it The best support to trade is the ability of a na-appears, that gunboats and fortifications, both of tion to furnish on the most reasonable term's such which the gentleman from South Carolina has articles as are necessary to the wants or conveni- excluded from the cost of defence, are to be conences of others; and, as evidence of the fact, I sidered a part of the estimate. The whole of would refer to the history of our own country. this "cheap defence" would cost for building and The commerce of the United States has flour-one year's service (leaving out of view the sums ished beyond example without a navy, while England with her great maritime force has not been able to compete with the enterprise of our merchants. What is the condition of England, and what the state of her commerce? She is shut out from the continent of Europe, and from this country. Her merchants are becoming bankrupts; her manufacturers in a situation the most miserable, and the nation is writhing under the consequences of a system produced by the inordinate ambition which has resulted from its naval superiority. And although a great naval force has been competent to create such wretchedness, it is found to be perfectly inadequate to its relief. Napoleon, by municipal regulations, has suspended the commerce of England, which supported her navy, but which her navy cannot defend nor protect. It is true, that, in consequence of her maritime strength, France dare not send a ship of war to sea; but it is not less true, that the continental system has inflicted a wound upon her commerce equal to that which she has been able to inflict on the commerce of others. And permit me to remark, that if Bonaparte, with probably more than an hundred ships-of-the-line, is unable to protect foreign commerce, it would appear difficult to conceive how we could effect that object with ten frig ates, or twelve seventy-fours and twenty frigates. I conclude, then, sir, that commerce and naval power are not identified, and that opposition to the one, affords no presumption of hostility to the other. We are hostile to the proposed navy, because it is inadequate to the object for which it is intended, and because it is calculated to involve the nation in useless and wasteful expenditures. We deduce from history, that, while naval Powers have possessed the ability and disposition to annoy the commerce of others, they have not been able to protect and perpetuate their own..

But, for national defence, a navy is "the most appropriate, adequate, and cheap." As to its cheapness, it is only necessary to remark that the pay of a soldier is five dollars per month, and that of seamen in the naval service twelve dollars. And as to the comparative view of expenditures

already expended) more than the whole amount of our revenue in the most prosperous years, and far more than that which it is probable will be incurred in any short period. But suppose this fleet were built and equipped, would it afford complete protection to our harbors? No, sir. Did not the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. LowNDES.) one of the advocates of a navy, declare to the House, that one British seventyfour could block up the harbor of New York, in defiance of your existing Naval Establishment? And yet we are told by other advocates that one American vessel of the same rate will be equal to three of England. Let us examine the reasoning on which this latter position is founded. It is assumed as a fact, from which very forcible conclusions have been drawn, that our navy is not to be separated, while at the same time it is to defend our extensive seacoast; and that the enemy is to be attacked "in detail, when his ves sels may be scattered." How a few ships are to defend an extent of fifteen hundred or two thousand miles, and always to be kept together, is be yond my limited comprehension; nor do I perceive why the vessels of the enemy should be scattered. It does, indeed, appear to me that the reverse of these propositions will be found true. If the proposed force is intended to defend our numerous ports and harbors, it must necessarily be divided and apportioned among them; other wise, it will not be applied to the contemplated objects.

The assailing force has but one object to attain, and that is, to attack the most vulnerable points. While our vessels, therefore, must be scattered, from the necessity of the case, and continually liable to be attacked by a superior force, the enemy will separate, or not, as inducements may present themselves. But the American vessels, say gentlemen, will have the advantage of finding refuge and security, when attacked by superior force, in our ports. What, sir! teach your commanders the art of running, and at the same time rely on them for the defence of the country? It is an art which I am persuaded will not be

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learnt by a Rodgers or Decatur, and I am unwil-necessaries of life,) cannot obtain men for their ling to place them in a situation where they must naval service, without resorting to the most cruel necessarily encounter a force so much greater violence, it should not be presumed that the Unithan any we can furnish, as to render defeat in- ted States, abounding in the comforts of life to a evitable. As to any advantage which is expected greater extent than in population, would be more from "our superior knowledge of the shoals with successful. The fallacy of the opinion that durwhich our seacoast abound," in the "fogs to ing war the pay in the merchant service would which it is peculiarly subject," I will only remark, be so much lower than in times of peace, as to that the best charts of the coast which are used enable the Government to obtain seamen at a by our mariners are of British manufacture. And reasonable price, is fully proved by the experience as to the idea which has been expressed, that of 1798. During the quasi war with France, the England cannot send a naval force to the Ameri- pay in merchant vessels was from twenty-six to can station superior to that which it is proposed thirty dollars; and I presume it will not be conto create, I really cannot discover the source tended that the resources of the country would from which such an extraordinary conclusion is be competent at that rate to maintain a Naval drawn. England has in commission at this mo- Establishment. ment near eight hundred vessels, of which one It has been proposed, however, to obviate this hundred and sixty are ships-of-the-line. Of the difficulty, by withholding commissions from prilatter, she has also in ordinary upwards of a hun-vateers. The seamen are thus to be thrown out dred, and supposing she could not spare a compe- of employment, that they may the more readily tent force from her existing establishment, what engage in the naval service. The effect of this is to hinder her from manning and equipping project would be nearly the same as that of im-fifty ships-of-the-line for the purpose of destroy- pressment-in the one case force would be aping the navy of the United States? She has plied indirectly, and in the other directly. I see one hundred and forty thousand seamen in her no difference, as it respects the citizen, whether merchant vessels, whose services she commands he is forced into compliance by starvation or imby impressment whenever they are wanted for pressment. And if this system is to be adopted naval operations; and, in fact, she has nothing to in relation to the Navy, it would be well to extend do but to will the destruction of your twelve it to the Army also. A law has passed authorseventy-fours and twenty frigates, and they are izing the raising of twenty-five thousand men; destroyed. In thus acknowledging our inferiority and it is feared that, according to the Constituto Great Britain on the Ocean, it may be added tional mode of enlistment,a longer time will be that every other nation is in the same situation, required to collect that number than is desirable. and that we have it in our power to retaliate on, Now, if a navy can be manned by a Legislative and for the injuries we have suffered. Sir, the act which is intended to deprive the seamen of people of this country will not believe that their their means of subsistence, why not devise a plan safety depends on ships of war. Their virtue, for starving some other portions of the commustrength, and patriotism, are the foundation of nity, and in that way fill up the ranks of your national security, and while those attributes re- Army? The one would be as just as the other, main unimpaired, there is nothing to fear from and both would be equally efficacious. But there foreign or domestic enemies. is a Constitutional provision which would render I have so far, Mr. Speaker, considered princi- the proposed system wholly nugatory. The pally the efficiency of a Naval Establishment, on States are prohibited from keeping ships of war the supposition that our resources and form of in time of peace only. It is obvious, therefore, government would enable us to support it. I will that if the General Government attempt to force now endeavor to show that in this country the the seamen belonging to any State into their manning of a navy to any considerable extent naval service, by refusing commissions to privacould not be effected without resorting, in viola-teers, such States, by issuing commissions, may tion of the Constitution, to the odious practice of completely defeat your object. impressment. Gentlemen are certainly mistaken in supposing that a navy could be manned here as cheap as in England. Her seamen are paid thirty shillings a month, ours twelve dollars, and frequently more. She compels them to engage and serve for that sum-we rely on voluntary engagements. The ordinary pay of seamen in our merchant service is thirty dollars per month; and I would appeal to the common observation of any man to determine, whether it is probable they would relinquish that service for the purpose of receiving only twelve dollars. We find other nations incapable of manning their navies except by force-France by maritime conscription, and England by impressment. And, sir, if countries overflowing with population, (a considerable proportion of which is without a sufficiency of the

Thus, sir, if gentlemen are determined to make the United States a naval Power, they must resort to the same oppressive measures, which other countries have adopted-measures to which, I assert, the freemen of this country will never submit. The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. CHEVES) abhors impressment, but at the same time contends that Congress has Constitutional authority to command the services of the citizens when and where they think proper. It appears to me that if an individual is dragged from his home against his will, and committed to the ocean, it cannot be material by what name you designate the act. To convey forcibly a freeman without the limits of the United States, who had violated no law, committed no crime, is an exercise of sovereignty which I verily believe the framers of the Consti

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Both belligerents, Mr. N. said, have disregarded did not think so. The people, Mr. N. said, underour neutral rights; have not considered what was stand the nature of an impost duty as well as we due to us as a neutral; but rather how much in- do. They know it is a duty laid on imported jury and injustice a neutral country would sub-articles, which, if they purchase, they pay; but mit to. Whence has this proceeded? From our they are at liberty to purchase them or not. But own acquiescence. Because we did not resist no man can avoid paying a direct tax, and if you the first aggression, but acquiesced until accumu- have not the money to pay, your property will be lated injuries of both nations overwhelmed us sold to produce it. with violence. But we have, at length, determined manfully to rise and maintain our rights, not by bulletins and resolutions, not by appearing only to take war measures, but in a manner that shall convince our enemy, and the world, that we are in earnest.

Mr. N. said, an idea had suggested itself to him, which he would submit to the Committee. We have tried the restrictive system in order to protect our commerce, and found it ineffectual, and are about to resort to another course. The expenses of the war will have to be provided for But, will it be sufficient to raise a land force to by loans, and it is proposed to resort to direct go against the British provinces? Suppose, Mr. taxes in order to enable us to pay the interest of N. said, we get possession of the two Canadas, these loans. To prevent the necessity of having New Brunswick and Halifax, shall we have ob-recourse to this mode of taxation, which would lained the objects for which we take up arms? Certainly not. It will be necessary, therefore, that we should make every exertion to raise a force with which to protect and enforce our maritime rights.

If the resources of the United States were competent to the object, he would say, establish such a Navy as shall be able to cope with the British fleet at sea; but he knew this was not practicable; but we ought to do as much as we are able to do; we ought to put our Navy on the best footing, as it is on the water that our rights are assailed. But he did not wish to extend his views further at present, than a sufficient force to clear our coasts of pirates and picaroons, to protect our ports and harbors, our coasting and our West India trade.

Mr. N. thought it necessary to make this effort, in order to convince the nations of Europe that the representations heretofore made of this country, were erroneous; to show them that we are competent to make exertions for the defence of our national rights, and willing to do so whenever necessary. He did not wish this nation to be considered as a great naval and military nation; but he wished the world to know, that we are at all times able and willing to maintain our rights whenever they are assailed; when we shall have established this character, said Mr. N., our rights will be respected.

Is commerce of no avail to this country? What is it that gives a spring to your agriculture? It is commerce. What is it that fills your Treasury? Commerce. What paid your national debt? Commerce. What was it which procured a sale for your surplus produce? It is foreign commerce. If it produce all these benefits to the country, is it not, then, worth protec

tion ?

Commerce, both foreign and domestic, is necessary for this country. In a manufacturing country, a nation may, perhaps, dispense with commerce; but here, where we have no manufactures of any consequence; where agriculture is our chief interest, we could not exist without a commerce to find a market for the produce of our lands. But gentlemen say, our imposts are disguised taxes, which are anti-republican. He 12th CoN. 1st SESS.-32

prove very oppressive to the people in some parts of the country, he would propose a repeal of the non-importation law, and by this means, we should not only get the goods wanting for our trade with the Indians, but draw money into our Treasury from impost duty; and if we had recourse to war, he saw no necessity for keeping this law in force.

Whence has arisen the opinion, at this time, Mr. N. said. that to extend our Navy would be attended with bad consequences-that it would be anti-republican? Can it have been the cabalistic effect produced by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury? Or from what other cause? None of these apprehensions were entertained when the army bill was before the House, and he thought the danger to be apprehended from an army was infinitely greater than from a Navy Establishment. Mr. N. concluded with some further observations in favor of building the ten frigates proposed by the bill, and against striking out the section.

Mr. BURWELL moved to postpone the subject until the 4th of February. As the decision of this question had nothing to do with the preparatory measures for war, he supposed no inconvenience would be experienced from this postponement. As there were, no doubt, many gentlemen who still wished to be heard on this subject, they would have time to prepare themselves; for, as this debate had continued little more than three weeks, they could scarcely be expected now to be prepared; besides, their arguments would then be new; whereas, if they were now delivered, they would appear a mere repetition. He hoped the House would indulge him in this motion, as this subject swallowed up every other. There are a number of important bills before the House. Our table is loaded with business, and if the course which he proposed was not taken, after a session of six or eight months, Congress would adjourn without having done the business for which they met. Besides, he was something like the English priest, who, having expressed a fondness for partridges, was served with them until he was almost surfeited. He began to want a change of fare. He had heard enough about a Navy; he would be glad of a little variety. If he had

thought there were any chance of getting the question in ten or twelve days, he would not have made the motion; but at present he saw no end to the debate.

JANUARY, 1812.

and rivers of a neutral nation, and lie there in wait for her enemies, who might be trading with the neutral? This, I presume, will not be contended for; nor will I contend for the whole of our rights, at this time. I now come to the waters within our own territory. It is absolutely necessary to have a more efficient navy than you now have to govern your harbors in times of peace. Let me call your attention to the insolent answer of a British commander, not long since, in the Delaware. When ordered off by the collector. in pursuance of our laws, did he not send word that he had a very good berth, and that he lay very well at his mooring? This was in plain English telling the United States he would go when he pleased. Sir, soon after the British armed ships were interdicted the waters of the United States by the President's proclamation, was there not a more high-handed violation committed by the commander of a British armed vessel in the port of Charleston, South Carolina? Will it be in your power to prevent the like insults on your Government, unless you have a sufficient force to spread along your coast? Sir, if we are to have a war, one gun afloat, in a good ship, is worth ten on land. They can be sent from place to place, along shore, as the occasion may require. Guns on shore are stationary; a ship, with a fair wind and tide, will pass them nine times out of ten; but if she passes another ship, she may meet her again when she least expects it. But, say the gentlemen, the English will have them as soon as you have built them. Sir, if the captain of a British ship should see an American of equal force, he will be very careful not to crowd sail in order to get himself into difficulty; nor will the American in that case be in a hurry to get off. If an American frigate meets one more than her match, she can run from her; and it is well understood that no frigates on the ocean car outsail the American frigates. It is said they will rot and decay; so will your houses-yet every man wants a house to protect him from the inclemen cy of the weather. This negative reason will go to the annihilation of the human species; all men are born to die-therefore, take no pains to nurse and bring up our tender offspring. Surely this kind of opposition cannot have weight with this Committee. But there is another reason: they are "the means of external war; they invite ag thegressions, and hence the Danes lost their fleet

Some gentlemen appearing willing to debate this motion, Mr. B. withdrew it; and after a few remarks from Mr. SMILIE against the NavyMr. WIDGERY said:-The subject of the bill on the table had been so ably discussed, that it would seem as if nothing more could be said on the subject. By the Constitution of the United States, Congress are empowered to build and support a navy. The framers of the compact, no doubt, thought it necessary to have a navy, or this provision would not have been made in the Constitution. It is the duty of a neutral nation to keep peace and order within her own jurisdiction-she ought to be able to compel obedience to her laws; and, for this purpose, it is necessary to have such an establishment of legal powers, as shall pervade the utmost limits of her jurisdiction -a government in which the belligerents, when they come within your harbors, may feel safe, otherwise they will be afraid to come and trade with you, lest they should get entrapped by their enemy. It is certainly the duty of a neutral Power to govern their own harbors, as well on water as on land: for this purpose, it is absolutely necessary that you should have a small navy, or at least some addition to what you have already got, in order to compel submission to the laws and ordinances of your Government; anything short of this will leave your system incomplete, and of course incompetent to the purposes for which it was established. What are the extreme limits of your jurisdiction? Sir, were I to fix them, I should say the limits on the Southeast should be the Gulf Stream, a line drawn by the God of nature, and one which no maritime traveller can mistake. When the armed ships of any nation were hovering on our coast, within that line, I would order them off as intruders. In this case I apprehend some will think me extravagant, because, by the law of nations, the extreme distance from land appears to have been fixed at three miles; this law may very well apply to the European nations, because in many cases nature has so bounded the ocean as to compel them to pass narrow straits, in order to get to and from their own kingdoms; such are the Straits of Gibraltar, the British Channel, St. George's Channel, narrow pass into the Baltic, and many other places; three miles from each shore would leave but scant room for them to pass with head winds. This doctrine cannot apply to the United States; she has no pass way through which it is necessary for other nations to travel with their ships; we may therefore fairly conclude, if they are found cruising on our coast, within the Gulf, it is for the purpose of depredating on our commerce. But there is another reason why three miles from land will not apply in this country-for instance, you may be twenty miles up the Delaware or Chesapeake, and not be within three miles of the shore. Did any rational man ever presume that a belligerent had a right, according to the law of nations, to go up the bays

at Copenhagen-our ships would share the same 'fate." There is no similarity in the two cases: as well might gentlemen compare the dim taper of a damp cell to the bright luminary of Heaven. Copenhagen is on an island, surrounded with nav igable water, that enabled the British fleet to land an army on one side and lay their fleet on the other, and at the same time prevent their getting a reinforcement from the mainland. The Unted States are a continent, containing large rivers and harbors, in which her fleets may lie safe, and from which assistance cannot be prevented. But gentlemen are so candid as to say they never will vote anything to the support of commerce, as they believe it not for the interest of our country.