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Excellency's commands to return to Canada; and after the delay incident to this season of the year, in a journey from Boston, arrived here yesterday.

Your Excellency will have seen, by the papers of the latest dates from the United States, that a formidable opposition is already organized in Congress to the late measures of Mr. Madison; and it is very evident that, if he be sincere in his professions of attachment to Great Britain, his party will abandon him. Sixtyone members have already voted against a resolution to approve of what he has done; and I have no doubt the rest of the democratic party will follow the example as soon as they recover from the astonishment into which his apparent defection has thrown them.

The present hopes of the Federalists are founded on the probability of a war with France; but, at all events, this party is strong and well organized enough to prevent a war with England

It would be now superfluous to trouble your Excel. lency with an account of the nature and extent of the arrangements made by the Federal party to resist any attempt of the Government unfavorable to Great Britain. They were such as do great credit to their ability and principles; and, while a judicious policy is observed by Great Britain, secure her interests in America from decay. My fear of inducing a false security on the part of His Majesty's Government in their efficiciency and eventual success, may have inclined me to refrain from doing them that justice in my former letters which I willingly take the present occasion to express.

I trust your Excellency will ascribe the style and manner of my communications, and the frequent ambiguities introduced in them, as arising from the secrecy necessary to be observed, and my consciousness that you understand my meaning, on the most delicate points, without risking a particular explanation.

I lament that no occasion commensurate to my wishes has permitted me to prove how much I value the confidence of your Excellency, and the approbation already expressed by His Majesty's Minister. I have

the honor to be, &c.

J. H.

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Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry.

QUEBEC, May, 1, 1809. MY DEAR SIR: The news we have received this day from the States will, I imagine, soon bring you back to us; and if you arrive at Montreal by the middle of June, I shall probably have the pleasure of meeting you there, as I am going up with Sir James and a large suite. The last letters received from you are to the 13th April. The whole are now transcribing, for the purpose of being sent home, where they cannot fail of doing you great credit, and I most certainly hope they may eventually contribute to your permanent advantage. It is not necessary to repeat the assurance that no effort within the compass of my power shall be wanting to this end.

I am cruelly out of spirits at the idea of old England truckling to such a debased and accursed Government as that of the United States.

I am greatly obliged to you for the trouble you have taken in procuring the books, though, if Spain fails, I

H. OF R.

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JUNE 13, 1811. SIR: I take the liberty to enclose to you a memorial addressed to the Earl of Liverpool, and beg you will have the goodness either to examine the documents in your office, or those in my own possession, touching the extent and legitimacy of my claim.

Mr. Ryland, the Secretary of Sir J. Craig, is now in London, and, from his official knowledge of the transactions and facts alluded to in the memorial, can give any information required on that subject. I have the honor to be, &c. J. H.

Memorial of Mr. Henry to Lord Liverpool. lowing statement and memorial to the Earl of LiverThe undersigned most respectfully submits the folpool:

Lordship's predecessor, the undersigned bestowed much Long before and during the administration of your political measures in the United States of America. personal attention to the state of parties, and to the

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Soon after the affair of the Chesapeake frigate, when His Majesty's Governor General of British America had reason to believe that the two countries would be involved in a war, and had submitted to His Majesty's Ministers the arrangements of the English party in the United States for an efficient resistance to the General Government, which would probably terminate in a separation of the Northern States from the general Confederacy, he applied to the undersigned to undertake a mission to Boston, where the whole concerns of the opposition were managed. The object of the mission was to promote and encourage the Federal party to resist the measures of the General Government, to offer assurances of aid and support from His Majesty's Government of Canada, and to open a communication between the leading men engaged in that opposition and the Governor General, upon such a footing as circumstances might suggest; and, finally, to render the plans then in contemplation subservient to the views of His Majesty's Government.

The undersigned undertook the mission, which lasted from the month of January to the month of June, in

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clusive, during which period those public acts and legislative resolutions of the Assemblies of Massachusetts and Connecticut were passed which kept the General Government of the United States in check, and deterred it from carrying into execution the measures of hostility with which Great Britain was menaced.

For his services on the occasions herein recited, and the loss of time and expenses incurred, the undersigned neither sought nor received any compensation, but trusted to the known justice and liberality of His Majesty's Government for the reward of services which could not, he humbly conceives, be estimated in pounds, shillings, and pence. On the patronage andsupport which was promised in the letter of Sir J. Craig, under date of the 26th January, 1809, (wherein he gives an assurance "that the former correspondence and political information transmitted by the undersigned had met with the particular approbation of His Majesty's Secretary of State; and that his execution of the mission, proposed to be undertaken in that letter, would give him a claim not only on the Governor General, but on His Majesty's Ministers,") the undersigned has relied, and now most respectfully claims, in whatever mode the Earl of Liverpool may be pleased to adopt.

The undersigned most respectfully takes this occasion to state that Sir J. Craig promised him an employment in Canada, worth upwards of one thousand pounds a year, by his letter, herewith transmitted, under date of September 13, 1809, which he has just learned has, in consequence of his absence, been given to another person. The undersigned abstains from commenting on this transaction, and most respectfully suggests that the appointment of Judge Advocate General of the province of Lower Canada, with a salary of five hundred pounds a year, or a Consulate in the United States, sine curia, would be considered by him as a liberal discharge of any obligation that His Majesty's Government may entertain in relation to his services.

Mr. Peel, Secretary to Lord Liverpool, to Mr. Henry.
DOWNING STREET, June 28, 1811.

SIR: I have not failed to lay before the Earl of
Liverpool the memorial, together with several enclo-
sures, which was delivered to me a few days since by
General Loft, at your desire.

His Lordship has directed me to acquaint you that he has referred to the correspondence in this office of the year 1809, and finds two letters from Sir James Craig, dated 10th April and 5th May, transmitting the correspondence that has passed during your residence in the Northern States of America, and expressing his confidence in your ability and judgment, but Lord Liverpool has not discovered any wish on the part of Sir James Craig that your claims for compensation should be referred to this country, nor indeed is allusion made to any kind of arrangement or agreement that had been made by that officer with you.

MARCH, 1812.

favor, and the opinion he has formed on your correspondence, he is convinced the public service will be benefited by your active employment in a public situation. Lord Liverpool will also feel himself bound to give the same assurance to the Marquis Wellesley, if there is any probability that it will advance the success of the application which you have made to his Lordship. I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,

ROBERT PEEL. J. HENRY, Esq., No. 27, Leicester Square.

neous.

Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry. TUESDAY EVENING, July 2, 1811. MY DEAR HENRY: It gives me real pleasure to find that the apprehension I had formed with respect to the fulfilment of your expectations is likely to prove erroAs everything which passed, relative to your mission, was in writing, I think you will do well subcould give no other information relative to the subject, mitting to Mr. Peel all the original papers. I myself than what they contain, as you and I had no opportu nity of any verbal communication respecting it till after your mission terminated, and I never wrote you a let been submitted to his correction. ter in the Governor's name, which had not previously

I

abilities made me anxious to serve you, even before I The impression I had received of your character and had the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with you, and the same desire has operated on me ever since; I may have given you, as to your best mode of obtain am, therefore, entitled to hope that any opinion which ing an employment under Government, will be received with the same candor that gave rise to it. I think you will do well to persevere, as you propose. I have no doubt that every letter from you, which Sir James sent home, will be found in Mr. Peel's office, as the estab lished practice there is to bind the despatches and enclosures yearly up together.

JOHN HENRY, Esq., &c.

H. W. RYLAND,

Mr. Henry to Mr Peel.

27, LEICESTER SQUARE, LONDON, September 4, 1811.

SIR: I have just learned the ultimate decision of my Lord Wellesley, relative to the appointment which I was desirous to obtain; and find that the subsisting relations between the two countries forbid the creating a new office in the United States, such as I was solicitous to obtain. In this state of things I have not a moment to lose in returning to Canada; and have taken my passage in the last and only ship that sails for Quebec this season. As I have not time to enter (de novo) into explanations with the gentleman who is in your office, and as I have received the assurances from you, in addition to the letter of my Lord Liver pool, of the 27th June, that "his Lordship would recommend me to the Governor of Canada for the first vacant situation that I would accept," I beg the favor tion without loss of time. of you to advise me how I am to get that recommendaI have the honor to be, &c. J. HENRY.

ROBERT PEEL, Esq., &c.

Under these circumstances, and had not Sir James Craig determined on his immediate return to England, it would have been Lord Liverpool's wish to have referred your memorial to him, as being better enabled to appreciate the ability and success with which you executed a mission undertaken at his desire. Lord Despatch of Lord Liverpool to Sir George Prevost. Liverpool will, however, transmit it to Sir James Craig's DOWNING STREET, Sept. 16, 1811. successor in the Government, with an assurance that, SIR: Mr. Henry, who will have the honor of defrom the recommendations he has received in your livering this letter, is the gentleman who addressed to

MARCH, 1812.

British Intrigues.

H. OF R.

me the memorial, a copy of which I herewith trans-country, but he utters a libel against all parties mit, and to whom the accompanying letter from Mr. Peel was written by my direction.

In compliance with his request, I now fulfil the assurance which I have given of stating to you my opinion of the ability and judgment which Mr. Henry has manifested on the occasions mentioned in his memorial, and of the benefit the public service might derive from his active employment in any public situation in which you should think proper to place him.

I am, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, LIVERPOOL. TO SIR GEORGE PREVOST, Baronet, &c.

[The following is the report of the Secretary of State, communicated to the Senate by the Message of the 12th March, 1812.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, March 12, 1812. The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the Senate of the 10th instant, has the honor to report: That this department is not in possession of any names of persons in the United States who have, in any way or manner whatever, entered into, or countenanced the project or the views for the execution or attainment of which John Henry was, in the year 1809, employed by Sir James Craig; the said John Henry having named no person or persons as being concerned in the said project or views referred to in the documents laid before Congress on the 9th instant. Which is respectfully submitted,

JAMES MONROE.

The Message and documents having been read, Mr. RHEA made a motion to print them.

Mr. PITKIN said, that he had no objection to the papers being printed, but that he rose to protest against the sentiments attributed in these papers to the Federal party, being considered as those of the citizens of the State which he had the honor to represent. He trusted it would not be believed that they had any knowledge of any mission of this kind from Canada, or from any other quarter.

It was the first time that he had heard that the opposition to the embargo in the States of Vermont or Massachusetts had any connexion with the British Government, or with any project of a separation of the Union in any manner, much less under the agency of a British spy. So far as he could understand the papers from the first reading, Mr. P. said they did not intimate that any disclosure had been made to any individual of the United States by Mr. Henry of the object of his mission, or that his scheme had been advocated or supported by any one. And I trust no gentleman will take the character of the parties in any section of this country, from a man who it seems has proved a traitor to his own Government. So far as the statements made in these papers may be considered as involving the party in concert with the Federal party, in any scheme of co-operation with the British Government in dividing the Union, it is one of the grossest libels that ever was uttered. Nor do I feel willing to take the character of the people of this country from the mouth of this man. He does not stop at debasing the character of the people of this

and against the Government itself. He states that in the extra session of Congress in May, 1809, there were sixty-one votes against Mr. Madison, in consequence of his arrangement with Mr. Erskine; when we all know that the vote on the resolution approving of the President's conduct in that affair was no criterion by which to judge. While, therefore, gentlemen will not, as I presume they will not, place any confidence in the statements made by this man against themselves, and against those whom he styles Democrats, I trust they will be equally incredulous as to any statements he has made against those he has called Federalists, with respect to their co-operation with the British Government in dividing tho Union. More especially as they come from one, who, disappointed at not receiving the promised reward from his Government, has turned traitor to his employers.

If, sir, there is any individual in this country, be he of whatever party he may, who has given countenance to this man as a British agent, and has joined him in a scheme of dividing the Union, under the auspices and with the aid of the British Government, I wish he may be known, and I sincerely hope that the House will institute an inquiry on this subject, and let every such man be held, as he ought to be, in contempt by all. I found it impossible, sir, to remain silent under the imputations thrown, or attempted to be thrown upon that section of the United States from which I came, by the papers just read. I will repeat my wishes that the whole business may be fully and promptly developed.

Mr. BIBB said he agreed with the gentleman who just sat down on one point, that a full investigation ought to be had. It was due to the Congress, to our connexions with Great Britain, that an inquiry should be made into the transaction now exposed to view; and, in addition to the motion for printing, he should move a reference of the Message to the Committee of Foreign Relations.

Mr. WIDGERY said it was an old saying among gunners, that you may know the wounded pigeons by their fluttering. He would not undertake, as the gentleman from Connecticut had done, to exonerate his constituents in a body from any implication in this business. One thing, he said, he knew, that the relation given in these documents so exactly coincided with the conduct of some gentlemen in the quarter in which he lived, that he was led to believe in their truth. It by no means followed, because this man had been a spy, that he could not tell the truth. When we look back to the times at which his letters were written, we must believe in their substantial truth. He called upon gentlemen to say, if the conduct of certain characters in those days did not warrant all that was stated of their designs. Let the papers be printed, Mr. W. said. and every one will be able to judge for themselves. Are we to shut our proceedings from the public view in this way, by refusing to publish these things? It is one of the most important communications

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made to Congress at the present session, and why should not the people see it? Let them see and judge. I will make no comments, sir, on this business; but I will say, that it is well known that at the time alluded to in those documents, an opposition to the laws and Government was organized. Mr. W. said he had full confidence in the truth of these documents, and he had therefore no disposition to keep them from his constituents. The House was in duty bound to give full publicity to these papers by printing them.

Mr. PITKIN disavowed any intention to oppose the printing of these papers.

Mr. GHOLSON said, it was a source of gratification to him, that, so far as the papers communicated by the President could be considered evidence at all, they were certainly highly honorable testimony in favor of the Eastern section of the Union. An emissary of great talents had been employed by the British in a nefarious sceme to dismember the United States, and to engender treason in the very bosom of our country: and yet, Mr. G. said, it does not seem that this spy has been able to connect with himself any citizen of the United States. If he had held correspondence with any persons of distinction, the presumption is, their names would have been disclosed in the papers that have been read. Mr. G. was happy in cherishing the belief that the liberties of this country would always find a sufficient guarantee against machinations of this sort, in the patriotism of every portion of the Union. This communication, for which the House was indebted to the President, was highly interesting and important in one point of view. It demonstrated, as matter of fact, what had heretofore remained only speculation and conjecture, that the British Government has long meditated the separation of these States; and what is more, that they have actually attempted the execution of this wicked design, and have endeavored to convert our own citizens into traitors! He would

say no more.

Mr. QUINCY said, he was much obliged to the gentleman last up for the view which he had taken of the subject. It had struck him previously with much force, and he meant to have taken the floor to have expressed it. If ever there had existed in the British Government, or any other Government, an idea that there was a party in this country who would associate with it to dissolve this Union, he thanked God that the project was exposed. If it was true, as these papers stated, that this man had been so employed, he thanked God that the mission had been detected. The Administration, in bringing the subject before the House, had done worthily, and the subject ought to be inquired into. What is the fact, admitting all that this person has said to be true? Why, that an agent from the British Government, under circumstances peculiarly aus picious and suitable to his purpose, goes to the spot which he represents as the hotbed of opposition, to stir up disunion, and his papers do not contain an intimation that he dared to mention

MARCH, 1812.

such an idea as that of a dissolution of the Union to any individual. No, sir; and I dare to say that he never did mention such a thing to any distinguished individual. As far as I know the sentiments of gentlemen in that quarter, they hold this Union dear, and look upon such a connexion as is supposed in these papers with as much ab horrence as any man, however attached he may be to the administration of the Government. Whenever a dismemberment of the Union has been talked of, it has been with awe, and with a fear that the present course of public measures would lead to such an event, and not with a view to bring it about. Sir, I know that other ideas have been spread over the country for the purpose of serving party views. But here, in this temple of our liberties, let us reason with one another according to the evidence before us. I rejoice that the subject has been brought forward, and that an agent so peculiarly adapted to the business in which he was employed has not been able to furnish any evidence of even the connivance of any individual at his mission.

Mr. RHEA said, at the time he had made the motion for printing, he had not the least idea that any opposition would be made to it. He did not say whether these papers were true or not true; whether they attacked any people or not. He hoped, therefore, the discussion of these points would cease. It was no reason against the publication of these documents that they had been disclosed by a British agent. [The SPEAKER observed that no objection had been made by any gentleman to the printing.] All the transactions respecting Andre and Arnold had been printed, so far as the Congress could lay their hands on them; and why not, these? If this man be a British spy or traitor, as he has been called, and what he states is not true, one thing is admitted: that the British are capable of employing persons of infamous character, by fabrications like these, to throw an odium on particular sections of the country. So that, on any view, this affair should be disclosed, if it were only to produce a firm union among the people. We all remember the publications of the period to which these papers refer, and the declarations then made; but all these would not induce me, at this moment, to say that all Mr. Henry says is true. This will be better understood when the committee shall make their report.

Mr. SEYBERT moved to increase the number of copies proposed to be printed to 5,000.

Mr. WRIGHT said, that such an extraordinary communication as that just received from the President, reflecting so much on various sections and parties of the Union, required serious consideration before they consented to publish such gross abuse of every portion of our people. Genilemen should reflect that this very disclosure might be one of the means used by this miscreant to divide this country. If he wished to promote division, how could he better attain his object than by denouncing the people of a particular section? Who is this man, and where is he? is an inquiry that ought to be made. I am not one

INDEX

TO THE PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE

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