to settle the question of a National capital, of which more hereafter. On January 11, 1785, the congress met in New York, and there it continued to meet until it expired in the autumn of 1788.

Here we may interrupt the narrative to state some facts concerning the close of the Continental congress. And, first, it never formally adjourned. October 10, 1788, was the last day on which any business was done. The last motion related to western lands, and was lost. On October 14 two states attended; on the fifteenth, four states; on the sixteenth, two states; on the twenty-first, two states, with scattering delegates from other states. A state was not held "present" unless a majority of its delegation were in attendance. The last entry in the journal begins: "From the day above mentioned [that is, October 21] there attended occasionally," and closes with the names of thirteen different delegates from ten different states. Despairing of ever again securing a quorum, these waiting delegates dispersed and the old congress died. But secondly, the end of the Continental congress is as pathetic as its beginning is inspiring. Mr. Hildreth thus sums up what it had done, and describes the manner of its death:

"The dying embers of the Continental congress, barely kept alive for some months by the occasional attendance of one or two delegates, as the day approached for the new system to be organized, quietly went out without note or observation. History knows few bodies so remarkable. The long parliament of Charles I., the French National assembly, are alone to be compared with it. Coming together, in the first instance, a mere collection of consulting delegates, the Continental congress had boldly seized the reins of power, assumed the leadership of the insurgent states, issued bills of credit, raised armies, declared independence, negotiated foreign treaties, carried the Nation through an eight years' war; finally, had extorted from the proud and powerful mother country an acknowledgment of the sovereign authority so daringly assumed and so indomitably maintained. But this brilliant career had been as short as it was glorious. The decline had commenced even in the midst of the war. Exhausted by such extraordinary efforts-smitten with the curse of poverty, their paper money first depreciating and then repudiated, overwhelmed with debts which they could not pay, pensioners on the bounty of France, insulted by mutineers, scouted at by the public creditors, unable to fulfill the treaties they had made, bearded and encroached upon by the state authorities, issuing fruitless requisitions which they had no power to enforce, vainly begging for addi

tional authority which the states refused to grant, thrown more and more into the shade by the very contrast of former power-the Continental congress sunk fast into decrepitude and contempt. Feeble is the sentiment of political gratitude! Debts of that sort are commonly left for posterity to pay. While all eyes were turned-some with doubt and some with apprehension, but the greater part with hope and confidence-toward the ample authority vested in the new government now about to be organized, not one respectful word seems to have been uttered, not a single reverential regret to have been dropped over the fallen greatness of the exhausted and expiring Continental congress.

Someone has called the congress of the Revolution and the Confederacy "peripatetic." Counting Lancester, it sat in eight different places, and in some of them more than once. Here they are in their order: Philadelphia, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Lancaster, York, Thiladelphia, Princeton, Annapolis, Trenton, New York. And this was all in fourteen years. Over and over again, after it went to New York in 1785, were attempts made to bring the congress back to Philadelphia, even the state authorities extending urgent invitations; but the insult of June, 1783, and the supineness of the authorities in dealing with it, sufficed to defeat the movement every time it was brought forward. Still, with the exception of the two intervals of 1776-77 and 1777-78, Philadelphia was the seat of the continental government to the close of the war. Moreover, by the direction of congress the Federal convention sat there in 1787. There the first minister ever accredited to the young Republic was received-M. Gerard, in 1778. The great state papers of 1774, the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, the Federal Constitution, all emanated from that city. These facts justify our calling Philadelphia the continental city of the revolutionary era. Further, had it not been for the double affront of 1783, it would certainly have been the meeting place of congress to the end of the confederation period, and most probably the permanent capital of the Nation.

That the Republic must have a fixed seat of government, if it was to live, was a foregone conclusion. A permanently peripatetic government could never live. Further, the experience of June, 1783, as well as general reasoning, proved that this seat or capital should not he dependent upon local authority, but be fully under the jurisdiction of congress. The war over, congress took the matter up in earnest. On October 7, 1783, Mr. Gerry of Connecticut moved: "That build*History,' III., 547, 548.

ings for the use of congress be erected on the banks of the Delaware, near Trenton, or of Potomac, near Georgetown, provided a suitable district can be procured on one of the rivers, as aforesaid, for a Federal town, and that the right of soil, and an exclusive or such other jurisdiction as congress may direct, shall be vested in the United States." A motion to strike out "near Trenton" and "near Georgetown" carried, and a motion to add "the Hudson" was lost. Finally, in some way that does not very clearly appear in the Journal, the Potomac was dropped. The resolution as adopted read: "That buildings for the use of congress be erected on or near the banks of the Delaware," etc. A motion to fix the site near Wilmington was negatived, but resolutions declaring that it should be "near the falls," and that "a committee of five be appointed to repair to the Falls of Delaware" and "report a proper district," were carried. The next day a motion "to reconsider the resolution of yesterday, by which the residence of congress is to be fixed near the Falls of Delaware, in order to fix on some other place that should be more central, more favorable to the Union, and shall approach nearer to that justice which is due to the southern states," was lost-the states lying east and north of the Delaware voting against and those lying south of that river voting for the motion. But such was the dissatisfaction produced by the action of October that a few weeks later it was resolved "that buildings be likewise erected for the use of congress at or near the lower Falls of Potomac or Georgetown." This resolution was introduced by the preamble: "Whereas, there is reason to expect that the providing buildings for the alternate residence of congress in two places will be productive of the most salutary effects, by receiving the mutual confidence and affection of the states, therefore, etc." This dual scheme included this further feature: "That until the buildings to be erected on the banks of the Delaware and Potomac shall be prepared for the reception of congress, their residence shall be alternately, at equal periods, of not more than one year and not less than six months, in Trenton and Annapolis." And it was in consequence of this action that the sessions were held at Annapolis and Trenton, as already related. But in that day, no more than in this, did resolutions build capitals. Another year wore away, when, December 20, 1784, the subject was again brought up and discussed. It was declared expedient for congress to "proceed to take measures for procuring suitable buildings to be erected for their accommodation," but inexpedient, "at this time, to erect public buildings at more than one place." Three days later, after much

dispute and a great deal of parliamentary maneuvering, the deliberations of the body were summed up in the following ordinance:

"Be it ordained by the United States in congress assembled, that the resolutions of the twentieth instant respecting the erecting of buildings for the use of congress, be carried into effect without delay; that for this purpose three commissioners be appointed, with ful power to lay out a district of not less than two nor exceeding three miles square, on the banks of either side of the Delaware, not more than eight miles above or below the lower falls thereof, for a Federal town; that they be authorized to purchase the soil, or such part of it as they may judge necessary, to be paid at proper installments; to enter into contracts for erecting and completing, in an elegant manner, a Federal house for the accommodation of congress and for the executive officers thereof, a house for the use of the president of congress and suitable buildings for the residence of the secretary of foreign affairs, secretary at war, secretary of congress, secretary of the marine and officers of the treasury; that the said commissioners be empowered to draw on the treasury of the United States for a sum not exceeding one hundred thousand dollars, for the purpose aforesaid; that in choosing a situation for the buildings, due regard be had to the accommodation of the states, with lots for houses for the use of their delegates respectively; that on the twenty-fourth day of December instant, congress stand adjourned to meet at the city of New York, on the eleventh day of January following, for the dispatch of the public business, and that the sessions of congress be held at the place last mentioned, until the buildings aforesaid shall be ready for their reception."

This ordinance is worth a careful reading for the light that it throws on the wants and the ideas of 1784 as compared with the wants and ideas of 1887. It put an end to the dual scheme, and also to the alternating sessions between Trenton and Annapolis. Beyond this, and carrying the congress to New York, nothing came of the ordinance. The three commissioners were duly appointed, and they duly reported, but I cannot learn that their report was ever acted upon. Even after the removal to New York, a futile attempt was made to substitute the Potomac for the Delaware in the scheme. Congress had no money to meet demands far more pressing than this one; and sectional feeling would no doubt have soon brought things to a standstill, even if the work had been once begun. "Particularistic" and "dual" tendencies were irresistible in the period 1776-1787, save in

the presence of danger that compelled unanimity; and a Federal town was not a case of this kind.

The Articles of Confederation steered clear of the subject, and the Constitution flanked it in the well-known provision:

"The congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may by cession of particular states and the acceptance of congress become the seat of government of the United States."

This clause was the result of a good deal of discussion, at one or two features of which it will be well to glance. Serious objection was made to choosing the capital of any state government as the seat of the National government. Colonel George Mason of Virginia argued that this would tend to produce disputes concerning jurisdiction, and that the intermixture of the two legislatures would tend to give a provincial tone to the National deliberations; and he desired a prohibition of such a choice. Mr.Gouverneur Morris said this might alienate Philadelphia and New York, both of which had seat of government expectations. The country was also said to be adverse to any large city. Only one delegate, so far as I have noticed, favored naming the capital in the Constitution. On the whole, the fathers of 1787 dealt wisely with the question; any proposition more definite than the one adopted would probably have defeated the Constitution. To this point the history that we have followed illustrates in a striking way the local and state jealousies, as well as some tendencies of political thought of the time. Nor do these forces disappear even now. Where the old congress drew its last breath the new congress drew its first one. The journal of the one ends and the journal of the other begins in New York. Choice was made of this city as a place to inaugurate the new government, only after a long and acrimonious struggle in congress, in which Trenton, Lancaster, Princeton, Baltimore and Philadelphia all were competitors. The city hall of New York, refitted at an expense of more than thirty thousand dollars, which was advanced by some wealthy citizens, and renamed “Federal Hall," became the first home of the National senate and house of representatives. Towards the end of the session, the question of a Federal town came up in the house of representatives, on a motion offered by Mr. Scott of Pennsylvania:

"That a permanent residence ought to be fixed for the general government of the United States at some convenient place, as near the centre of wealth, population and extent of territory as may be consistent with convenience to the navigation of the Atlantic ocean, and