mation, introduced to decorate a newspaper essay, or to furnish petty topics of harangue, from the windows of that state-house? I trust it is neither too presumptuous nor too late to ask, can you put the dearest interest of society at risk, without guilt and without remorse?

It is vain to offer us an excuse, that public men are not to be reproached for the evils that may happen to ensue from their measures. This is very true, when they are unforeseen or inevitable. Those I have depicted, are not unforeseen; they are so far from inevitable, we are going to bring them into being by our vote. We choose the consequences, and become as justly answerable for them, as for the measure that we know will produce them.

By rejecting the posts we light the savage fires, we bind the victims. This day we undertake to render account to the widows and orphans, whom our decision will make, to the wretches that will be roasted at the stake, to our country, and I do not deem it too serious to say, to conscience, and to God. We are answerable; and if duty be any thing more than a word of imposture, if conscience be not a bugbear, we are preparing to make ourselves as wretched as our country.

There is no mistake in this case, there can be none.Experience has already been the prophet of events, and the cries of our future victims have already reached us. The western inhabitants are not a silent and uncomplaining sacrifice. The voice of humanity issues from the shade of the wilderness. It exclaims, that while one hand is held up to reject this treaty, the other grasps a tomahawk. I summons your imaginations to the scenes that will open. It is no great effort of the imagination to conceive that events so near are already begun. I can fancy that I listen to the yells of savage vengeance, and the shrieks of torture. Already they seem to sigh in the west wind, already they mingle with every echo from the

mountains.

Extract from a Speech delivered Jan. 5th, 1813, in Congress, by the HON. JOSIAH QUINCY, upon the bill for raising an additional army of 20,000 men.

THIS bill proposes to augment the army by 20,000 men. This extension, if granted, will raise the army to 55,000. It has been stated on this floor, by the committee of foreign relations, that the existing military establishment would answer all the purposes of internal national service, and that this new army of 20,000 men, is intended for the invasion of Canada. As this is the avowed purpose of the bill, I will bring it into distinct considerations. The invasion and conquest of Canada, as it is desirable in itself, and as it may be made conducive to the attainment of peace.

I address myself to my political friends, and my political opponents, (for there are men on both sides, who totally disbelieve that, and flatter their good hearts that it is a mere threat thrown out to aid negociation), and I bid them beware how they act upon this erroneous imagination. Whoever conceives that the measure was projected, as a means of peace, or for any thing but an invasion of Canada, or that the war will not be continued, are grossly deceived.

I warn my political opponents, who, though with upright views, submit to the dictates of the cabinet, to recollect what their past experience must have shown them. No proposition which was likely to be obnoxious to public censure no dose which was likely to create nausea, or to scour the popularity of the government, ever was administered by them, but some under operator was employed to suggest that there was some other object in it, than the true one, and to assure those who loathed it, that it was not what they supposed it to be. Of this sort, was the assurance given on the introduction of the embargo law, which was intended to operate inimically on Great Britain; but its advocates urged that it was merely intended to save the essential resources of the country. In like manner, the incipient steps of this war, were glossed over by an assurance, that Mr. FOSFER had instructions, which would enable the administration to settle all differ

F

ences with him:-And the vast military establishments desired, are said to be only a grand scheme of pacification.

To my political friends I appeal in a warning voice. Too apt to rely on their own wisdom, they maintained that it could not be-it was impossible that administration could seriously meditate the taking of CanadaWhere were the men?. -Where was the money?-The eastern states would be disgusted-common sense, and common prudence forbade it: and therefore, no project was less to be expected. But that was the very reason why I thought it more likely to be suggested and adopted by the cabinet :-and, paradoxical and anomalous as it may seem, the reason why it was more likely to succeed too.

Out of twenty considerations to which I could resort, I will select only two upon this subject. When this came under consideration, no one believed that it was really a war for the conquest of Canada; or that our cabinet could seriously contemplate a war against Great Britain, any more than they could against China. A nation in the enjoyment of more than thirty years peace, to encounter one in the full prosecution of a war already of twenty years duration. A nation without resourceswithout any army-without a navy-without military force, science, habits, or discipline, to go to war with the most rich and powerful nation upon earth, which, without raising one additional soldier, or sailor, or equipping one additional ship, can carry havoc and desolation over our shores, and into our cities. Even now many are nearly in the same condition of mind, as the gentleman of Pennsylvania, who insisted that the existence of a declaration of war, was all a federal falsehood:-Plagued with common sense, and prudence, they cannot believe the invasion of Canada, possible; or, that, whatever hostile intention we may have to Great Britain, we can deliberately go to wreak it on a race of inoffensive colonists, with whom the people of our nation are on terms of friendly intercourse, in the habits of mutual interchange of acts of neighbourhood-connecting themselves by marriage, with each other, with so many inducements of head and of heart, to avoid hostilities!-It could not be believed.—

It could not be imagined, that exclusive of these considerations, we could think of going with a raw undisciplined militia, against a country defended by at least twelve thousand regular veteran troops, besides its militia!-And to march into it, inviting treason by proclamation, in a quarter too where such a system could be retorted upon us, with the most terrible effect, seemed to be beyond the range of possibility! It never entered into their heads, that all this was connected with the choice of elec. tors, for the President, and that the invasion of Canada was only another mode of carrying on the election. But now all is revealed! Now it is as clear as day, proved to demonstration, that the country may be disgraced, and yet the cabinet honoured!-That the country may be ruined, and yet those who hold its destinies be happy!

But to revert to the expression already made, that paradoxical as it might appear, a measure is more likely to succeed for being contradictory to common sense, and common prudence. There is something in flagrant audacity more likely to accomplish certain purposes, than either strength or genius-and he, who, regardless of shame, undertakes what never was thought of before, or before undertaken, is most likely to accomplish it.

The project now in the contemplation of the government, I think, is of this kind, and quite likely to succeed-it is feasible-an army of 50,000 I do believe may be obtained -money may, and will be got by the loan-and then such an army, having a proper leader, animated by a conviction of its own strength, and of the danger of flinching, will not fail to get what they demand, if not by the votes of this house, by the bayonet. I therefore warn them to see the business as it really is. A scheme of invasion, which, as the French emperor once said about ships and colonies, so his friends in the American cabinet. [Here Mr. Quincy was interrupted by a member, and by the speaker of the house, who called him to order, &c. &c. But Mr. Quincy contended that he had a right to say what he had before attempted, and therefore repeated it] as the French emperor once said about ships, and colonies, so his friends in the American cabinet, may say of Canada,

THAT THEY ARE ENTERING INTO A SCOPE OF POLICY:

-I will tell gentlemen that no government ever yet was

injured by false inuendoes-the sting of sarcasm, and the strength of satire, consist in the truth of the remark.

Continuation of Mr. Quincy's Speech, upon the bill for raising an additional army of 20,000 men.

CONSIDERING the object of this bill to be what it is called, a means of taking Canada, I will view for a moment, the invasion itself, in its own merits. On this point, I am not uttering my own opinion only, but the confirmed sentiments of the people, in that portion of the union, in which I reside, that the invasion of Canada, is cruel, wanton, senseless, and wicked. I am not, as may be understood by gentlemen, one of those new politicians recently produced, who worship in the temples where Condorcet is priest, and Machiavel is God, who consider that the end sanctifies the means-that the least possible good to one's self, is a sufficient cause for doing great evil to others—or can believe that for the offences of a people, three thousand miles distant, we are justified in visiting with fire and sword, an innocent, unoffending people, who are tied to us by acts of friendly intercourse and neighbourhood. What though it were shown to the authors of these evils, that the invasion of Canada, will produce no effect on the British cabinet, that there is no plunder to invite, no glory to be obtained:-it would avail nothing! To such politicians, principle, feeling, pity, justice, are nothing!-revenge is every thing!

I know of no legitimate basis of political, but moral duties;-no spring from which to draw conclusions respecting either, but from the nature of things and the relations subsisting among them. It will be said that the war gives a right to take the property of the hostile nation, and that the dependencies and colonies being subjects, their property is liable. But there are other relations which deserve attention-the relations which nature had established, between the United States and those colonies. Antecedent to this war, there subsisted between Canada and the United States, an intercourse of the most amicable and interesting nature.