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The people on both sides of the St. Lawrence, were but as one family, though living separately, in the constant reciprocation of friendly and tender offices--they even in. termarried with each other. As enemies (if they were such) there is nothing to fear from them. Seven millions of people have nothing to apprehend from not half a million. Plunder is not to be had there—and glory! Surely there can be no glory in seven millions conquering five hundred thousand. A giant crushing a pigmy! A giant who could glory in such a triumph, must have a pigmy spirit indeed! Nor is this all. It cannot in any material degree affect Great Britain, to our advantage. On the contrary, this invasion, so far from having a favourable, has a most inauspicious effect. It was the in
vasion of Canada, that gave new strength to the British 5 ministers, at the late election. The British were willing
to take ground with America, on principle, but when they saw that we grasped at the first opportunity, to carry the war among their harmless colonies, sympathy enlisted them on the side of the latter, and produced an effect upon their temper such as might be expected. But all these things were lost upon our cabinet; even before the war was declared, our arms were turned against the Canadians. And it is not owing to our government, or their advocates in this house, that, at this moment, the bones of the Canadians are not mixed with the ashes of their habitations. Since the invasion of the Buccaneers, there is nothing in history like this war.
The disgrace of our armies, is celestial glory, when compared with the disgrace reflected on our country, by this invasion. Yet it is called a war for glory !Glory!! Yes, such glory as that of the tyger, when it tears the bowels from the lamb, filling the forest with its savage roars. The glory of Zengis Khan, without his greatness. The glory of Buonaparte. Far from me and mine, and far from my country, be such glory.
Fame is no plant of mortal soil,
Nor in the glistening foil,
And perfect witness of all-judging Jore ;
Not only all the duties, as far as they have relation to that people ; but those we owe ourselves, our fellow citizens, and our constitution, suggest that WE ARE THE VERY LAST PEOPLE on the face of the earth, that should call together and embody the vagabonds of the country, and put them under that dangerous class of men, “ The choice spirits. Does this house learn nothing from history? Does it not tell them with manifest proofs, thick set through all its pages, that armies when placed under such men, when they come to know their strength, and to understand the power men derive from acting in concert, and feeling the comforts of useless indolence, come to be disbanded, and so to sink into insignificance, will never consult old spinners and weavers, the plodding creatures of thought and labour, and principle; but will take counsel from their leader what they shall next do. Remember! Remember I warn you! That he who plants the American standard on the walls of Quebec, plants it for himself, and parcels it out into dukedoms and seignories, and counties for his followers.
When I contemplate the character and consequences of this measure, it is a solace to me under my regrets, that my section of the union has no hand in it that it abhors it we have done our utmost to drive the guilty authors of it from their seats-that our hands are not imbrued in blood and that the souls sent to their untimely reckoning by the recent measures, have not to accuse or bear witness against us before the judgment seat of Heaven. This wayof think. ing is not peculiar to me, but is the opinion of all the moral sense, and of nine-tenths of the intelligence of that section, from which I come. Some who are here from that quarter, some of the household troops, who lounge for what they can pick up about the government house, will say differently-some who come here, and with their families, live at suck upon the breast of the treasurytoad-eaters, who live on eleemosynary, ill-purchased courtesy, upon the palace-wallow great men's spittles, and get judge ships, and wonder at fine sights, and fine rooms, and fine company, and most of all, wonder how they themselves got here:-these creatures will tell you, NOthat such as I describe are not the sentiments of NewEngland. But I say, look at the elections! In Massachusetts, an individual against whom there was no objection but his being friendly to the cabinet, and its system, was put out, in favour of a man of another stamp. Sir, I have conversed upon the question, with all ranks, conditions and parties, in Massachusetts :-Men hanging over the plough, and on the spade :--the twenty, thirty, fifty-acre men, and their answers have uniformly been to the same effect. They have asked simply, what is the invasion for? Is it for land? We have enough. Plunder? There is none there. New states? We have more than is good for us. Territory? If territory, there must be a standing army to keep it, and another standing army here to watch that. These are judicious, honest, patriotic, sober men, who, if it were requisite, and their sense of moral duty went along with the war, they would fly to the standard of their country, at the winding of a horn ;-but they heard your's with the same indifference they would have heard the Jew's harp, or a banjou ; because they were disgusted with the mode of carrying on the war. My conclusion then, on this point is, that the invasion of Canada, is cruel, as it carries fire and sword among an unoffending people :-Wanton, because it can produce no imaginable good i-Senseless, as to this country, because it commences a system, which, when once begun, can never be closed; and the invading army will be the conquerors of home :-mand wicked, because it is perverting the blessings and beneficence of God, to the ruin of his creatures.
After the conclusion of the speech, from which the two preceding are extracted, Mr. Clay (speaker) delivered a very long speech, throughout the whole of which he took occasion to make very offensive and inelegant personalities against Mr. Quincy. As soon as he sat down, Mr. Quincy rose, and in a solemn and dignified manner, pronounced a short address to the chairman, which for its elegance and energy, deserves to be preserved. MR. CHAIRMAN,
I do not reply to the remarks of the honourable speaker, who, it seems, has descended from the chair, in order to do that which no other member of this house was willing to undertake, or was deemed competent to perform. I should blush for myself, and for the good and wise, the only portion of the community of whose applause I am ambitious, could I deem a reply necessary. As a public man I never expect I never wish any other or further influence, than what results from distinct principles, and those principles emanating from known or proved facts. He who refutes those principles or disproves those facts, has my honour. He who misrepresents or mistakes either the one or the other, has my pity or my contempt, according to the proportion of imbecility of head, or corruption of heart, which enter into the cause of such mistake or misrepresentation. I cannot put myself on the level of retort. That in my observations I did not pass the fair limits of parliamentary discussion is obvious from this, that the honourable speaker himself, then presiding in this house, neither stopped me himself, nor permitted others to do it, when it was attempted. So far as respects any personal reflections which have fallen from the honourable speaker, or may fall from other members, touching me individually, he and they are at liberty. Such as my reputation is, before Billingsgate opens its flood-gates, such it will remain after the odious flood shall have passed by: For, Mr. Chairman, this is my consolation and support,
Virtue may be assailed, but never hurt;
If this fail
Speech of the Hon. CHARLES J. Fox, on the state of the
nation, delivered in 1795.
[Mr. Fox was born January 13, 1748. He was educated first at Eton, and afterwards at Hartford College, Oxford. He was returned to Parliament for Midhurst, in 1768. He was at first on the side of the ministry, but declared himself on the side of opposition on the dispute with America. He became secretary for foreign affairs in 1782, and again in 1806, when it was too late for his country and for himself. It is reported of him, that in the early part of his life, he wore red heels and blue powder, and was distinguished as the greatest coxcomb in Europe. But this was very far from being his figure at a later period of his life, when beheld in the Louvre, with hairs grown gray in the service of the public, with a face pale and furrowed with thought, doing honour to the English character as its best representative, conciliating by his frank, simple, unaffected manners, the affection and esteem of strangers; walking carelessly and unconsciously among those courts and palaces, whose profound policy, and deep laid machinations, he alone, by his wisdom and the generous openness of his nature, was able to resist. His first acquaintance with Burke seems to have been the æra of his manhood ; or rather, it was then that he first learned to know himself, and found his true level. A man in himself is always the same, though he may not always appear to be so.]
MY design has been not to induce the discussion of what has already been discussed, but to inquire into the conduct of the war in general. It is perfectly consistent in gentlemen on the other side of the house, to say they do not wish an inquiry : an inquiry is likely to influence the opinion of the house upon the conduct of ministers ; and an address to the throne for their removal will be the probable result. But rather than they shall loose their places is the country to be lost? A hint has been insinuated, that if the minister and his associates were dismissed, neither his majesty nor the public will look to the supporters of the present motion for their assistance.