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others with sticks and clubs, went toward the Balkans. Information having been given to the authorities by some one who was cognizant of the plot, a force was sent after them and overtook them in the village of Yassy-Veran, in the district of Kazanlyk, where all were either captured or dispersed, with the exception of three or four who were killed, two of whom were burned in a straw hut. Arrests immediately began and continued for a month, at the end of which time 415 individuals from the district of Tchirpan, Eski-Zagra, and Haskeni were put in prison. By the use of persuasions, threats, and tortures, some of the prisoners, especially two village-schoolmasters, were made to accuse some of the Bulgarian notables. Many more innocent people would probably have been arrested had not the vali of Adrianople, Hurshid Pasha, issued orders not to give the affair too much importance. Some days afterward Tassum Pasha, the mutessarif of Philippopolis, appointed a commission of five Turks and five Bulga rians to examine the prisoners. This pasha was not unwilling to turn the matter to his personal profit, and through his agent, Jakovaki, a Greek from Philippopolis, he began to extort money from the prisoners as a condition of their release. One man, who had been accused of selling arms to the insurgents, was obliged to pay seventy Turkish pounds, and another ten Turkish pounds. At this time, however, both Hurshid Pasha and Tassum Pasha were removed, and in their places Omer Fevzi Pasha, the present minister of police, was appointed vali of Adrianople, and Aziz Pasha mutessarif of Philippopolis, while Selim Effendi and Georgaki Effendi were sent on a special nission from Constantinople to investigate the matter, which they did by means of a commission composed of two Turks and two Bulgarians from Adrianople, Philippopolis, and Kazanlyk, severally.

Difficulties and delays were caused by disputes between Selim Effendi and Seid Aga, of Tchirpan, a relative of Abdul Kerim Pasha, who greatly tyrannizes over both Christians and Turks in Tchirpan, and has long been guilty of many nefarious practices. Each accused the other of extorting money from the prisoners. After three months' sitting this commission sent 75 persons to the prisons at Adrianople to await their final trial, while about 100 remained still without examination in Eski-Zagra. The rest were released. The 100 men left at Eski-Zagra were gradually released in consequence of orders from Philippopolis. Of those sent to Adrianople seven were hanged and ten released, while the remaining 53 continued in prison without trial until very recently.

THE INSURRECTION OF MAY, 1876.-PLANS AND OUTBREAK.

In consequence of the premature explosion at Eski-Zagra, the plan of an insurrection Pas abandoned for the winter, and the agents of the Bucharest committee returned to Roumania. It was resolved to see what could be done by petitioning the Sublime Porte. During the winter, therefore, the authorities at Constantinople received numerous signed petitions from every part of Bulgaria, all of which demanded the privilege of serving in the army and the abolition of the military exemption-tax.

This idea was one to which Midhat Pasha was violently opposed, and orders were therefore given to the newspapers not to publish any such petitions or even to state the fact that they had been sent or received.

The agents of the Bucharest committee, who came to Bulgaria during the winter, thought that nothing could be done by petitions, and came to the erroneous conclusion that the country was s ready for an insurrection. On reporting this at Bucharest, twentyfire new agents were sent, who crossed the Danube on the 12th of March, and who each took charge of preparing and organizing a district. The most prominent of these was young man from Koprivtchitsa, (Avrat-Alan,) where he went under the assumed name of George Benkofsky, who was practically the leader of the movement. Others were Vankof and Economof, both originally from Rustchuk.

In

Macedonia,

on account of the difficulties with the Greeks, no attempt was made

Philippopolis and Slivno, and in part in that of Sophia, committees were appointed in at organization, except at Raslug; but throughout nearly the whole of the districts of each town and village to stir up the inhabitants, to collect arms, and to raise money. In all, about £1,450 was collected. Nine hundred pounds of this sum was sent to Conto send arms by railway to Yeni-Zagra. These merchants, however, replied that, on stantinople, to merchants who had done like work on previous occasions, and who were account of measures taken to prevent the shipment of arms by railway, it was impossible to send any. The rest of the money was sent to Bucharest for the purpose of buying what old arms could be picked up, and it was expected that six thousand muskets could be brought into Bulgaria from that quarter. In point of fact, none were

ever received.

the 30th of April, but in consequence of want of harmony between the districts, and Believing that their preparations were sufficiently advanced, the rising was fixed for by Servia, at a meeting of some of the leaders and members of the committee, held at partly, also, because there seemed no probability of an immediate declaration of war Panagurishta, (Otluk Keni,) on the 31st of March, the rising was postponed until after the middle of May. A new meeting was called at the village of Metchka, near Pana

guishta, for the 30th of April, and word was sent to Bucharest that the rising was postponed. At the meeting at Metchka, where there were present about one hundred and twenty delegates from the different districts, it became evident that the plan had been betrayed to the government, and that a movement was going on among the Turks which would prevent its success. Instead, however, of disbanding, and of postponing any attempt at insurrection until the people were armed and were all informed of the day on which the rising was to take place-for the district of Slivno was not at that time in direct agreement with that of Tatar Bazardjik-Benkofsky and the other chiefs were so foolhardy as to decide upon beginning at once. Apparently they persuaded the villagers to this movement in part, by making them believe that all they would have to do would be to defend their villages for a few days, at the end of which time Servian and even Russian troops would advance to their assistance. Nothing indeed could be more foolish than the plan which the insurgents proposed. Instead of collecting a band of well-armed and well-mounted men, riding over the country burning the railway bridges, cutting the telegraph wires, and destroying the communications of the Turkish forces, which would have given them time to unite all the districts and might have caused great difficulties to the Turkish government, especially in view of the approaching complications with Servia, they limited themselves to throwing up intrenchments at a few villages, to burning the railway-station at Bellova, and, if we may believe the Turkish statement, to attempting to set fire to Philippopolis. The stupidity, both of this plan and of its execution, would almost seem to prove the statement made to me by some of the insurgents, that they had really no intention of attempting to gain anything by force of arms, but were desirous only of making such an armed demonstration as would draw the attention of the government to their demands. They had no idea of the cruel manner in which the insurrection would be suppressed, for in previous attempts of this sort the government had limited itself to the capture or dispersion of the armed bands, and the punishment of the ring-leaders.

The alleged plan of the insurgents, which was, it is stated, captured on one of the leaders who was killed in the mountains near Sophia, and which was published in the report of the tribunal at Philippopolis, is of too doubtful origin, and contains too many absurdities, to be looked upon as an authentic document.*

The day after the meeting at Metchka, the 1st of May, the insurgent leaders took possession of the villages of Klissura, Koprivtchitsta, Panagusishta, and Bellova, dis armed, and, in some cases, killed the Turkish officials, threw up intrenchments, and waited for the attack.

The same day the mutessarif of Philippopolis, Aziz Pasha, was informed of the meeting at Metchka, and of the probabilities of trouble. He therefore went at once by railway to Tatar Bazardjik, after telegraphing to Constantinople for regular troops. Having collected what troops he had-some were sent on from Eski-Zagra and Adrianople-he went to Panagruishta, but at the village of Kaloyerovo he met some frightened Turks, who advised him to retire, as they said the whole country was rising and more than 3,000 insurgents were under arms. He held a council, and decided to return. The Turks, however, who had given the information, reached Tatar Bazardjik before the pasha, and caused there a great panic by telling the inhabitants of the insurrection, and calling out to them, "Save yourselves and your families; the Russians are near." This was on Sunday, a market-day, and it is said that fully five thousand peasants from the neighboring villages had come to the town for the market. These peasants were as frightened as the Turks, and, abandoning everything, ran home to save their families. The panic is said to have been so great that Turks even ran away naked from the baths. In view of the prevailing auxiety the railway officials telegraphed to know how to act in order to save the railway property. They were told to submit, but to remain at their posts.

MEASURES TAKEN BY AUTHORITIES.-ARMING OF BASHI-BAZOUKS.

At Philippopolis, during the absence of the mutessarif, there was also a panic accompanied by great disorder. Aziz Pasha, who is a Bosniac, was not liked by the Turkish population. He had filled several situations with credit to himself, had been governor of Widden, and commander-in-chief of the troops which had put down the rebels in 1867. At Philippopolis he had been a good governor, and had incurred the displeasure of the Turks by being, as they thought, too favorable to the Christians. Attempts had been made long before to have him removed, and his authority was se cretly undermined. Many weeks before the outbreak of the insurrection, owing to the discontented state of the Bulgarian population, he had written and telegraphed to

*I was shown by the authorities of Philippopolis a Turkish copy of this plan, said to have been translated from the original Bulgarian, which Selim Effendi told me had been taken to Sophia. I was afterward furnished with a French translation, which was practically the same as that which was published. It is in the nature of a cate chism, and was apparently made up by some Turkish official. It was used as the basis for obtaining evidence during the trials.

Constantinople the state of affairs and had demanded regular troops to prevent an outbreak. These were not given to him, and when the insurrection finally broke out and he went to Tatar Bazardjik, his telegrams, both to Akif Pasha, the vali of Adrianople, and to the grand vizier, Mahmoud Pasha, remained without attention. During his absence in Tatar Bazardjik the leading Turks of Philippopolis, under the guidance of the influential beys, quietly armed the Turkish population, alleging as an excuse that some of the prisoners confined in the konak had endeavored to escape. They also telegraphed to Akif Pasha, at Adrianople, to be allowed to raise companies of bashi-bazouks. Akif Pasha replied, giving the permission, and sending one Rashid Pasha, formerly governor of Drama, and then living at Adrianople, to command them, promising also to supply them with arms. The population of Adrianople was at the same time armed through the influence of the beys.

Aziz Pasha found on his return that he was practically powerless. The Greek viceconsul. Mr. Matalas, who seemed well informed of what was going on, remonstrated with him about the formation of companies of bashi-bazouks and the indiscriminate arming of the Mussulman population. Aziz Pasha replied that he himself strongly disapproved of the measure, but could do nothing, owing to the suspicions entertained of him, for the local Turks accused him of sympathizing with the Bulgarians. Aziz Pasha remained nominally mutessarif for a few days, and was then replaced by Abdul Hamid Pasha, (the brother of Chefket Pasha.)

The vali of Adrianople, Akif Pasha, who acted with the full knowledge, if not under the orders, of Midhat Pasha and Hassan Avni Pasha, and who is mainly responsible for the arming of the bashi-bazouks, endeavored subsequently to excuse himself on the ground that there were no troops in the country, that Mahmoud Pasha, the grand vizier, refused to send troops, and that the arming of the Mussulman population was therefore a matter of urgent necessity. This, however, is not entirely true, for, among other evidence to the contrary, we know that the troops which were then at EskiZagra and Tchirpan were immediately sent to the locality of the insurrection. Further, we learn from the Levant Herald of the 5th of May that on the 4th of the same month a battalion of the line 800 strong was sent from Constantinople, and that four companies more were dispatched the next day. The same paper of the 9th May states that a special train left Adrianople on the 4th for Tatar Bazardjik with a detachment of 300 redifs; that a train with troops left Constantinople on the 6th, and that on the 8th 400 cases of muskets and 2,200 cases of ammunition were sent from Constantinople to Adrianople and Tatar Bazardjik. These arms were probably intended for the bashibazoaks, who, apparently, were not then thoroughly organized. The Levant Herald of the 11th of May states that on the 8th of May five companies of bashi-bazouks, which had been organized by the authorities at Haskeni, went to Philippopolis, and adds. "Some excesses are said to have been committed by them on the way."

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Some troops were also brought down from the Servian frontier, for Hassan Pasha advanced towards the insurgent district from Nish with at least three battalions of infantry and a large body of cavalry.

The authorities had in this way collected about 5,000 regular troops before the campaign against the insurgents bad really begun. The calling out of the bashi-bazouks was therefore clearly unnecessary, nor can it be justified by the state of panic which for a day or two existed in Tatar Bazardjik and Philippopolis.

The Mussulman population lost no time, however, in making use of the arms which had been distributed to them. On the 5th of May, Mr. Matalas, the Greek vice-consul, to whom I have before referred, went from Philippopolis to Tatar Bazardjik and saw the villages to the north of the railway already in flames. In these villages there had been no attempt at insurrection and no resistance. At Tatar Bazardjik he found the Turks all armed, but much frightened. As soon as troops began to arrive they recovered their courage, and on the 7th of May 400 bashi-bazouks went out, with the watchword, "All glory for the Sultan, and pillage for us." They marched northward, passing the village of Alikotch, which they did not touch, as the inhabitants were there. Going farther on, they came to the village of Radulovo, which had been abandoned by the terrified inhabitants, and which they, therefore, pillaged and burned, as also several more in the immediate neighborhood. The flames of these burning villages Mr. Matalas was able to see from Tatar Bazardjik. On returning from Radulovo, the bashibazonks found Olikotch also abandoned, and they then pillaged and burned that village. Mr. Matalas saw also the flames of many burning villages to the north of the river Maritza, on the 9th, as he was returning to Philippopolis.

All of this was before the attack either by troops or by bashi-bazouks on the insurgent villages, and the villages thus burned were entirely innocent. Ready excuses were found for pillaging and burning these villages on the ground that the Christians had hesitated or refused to give their arms, or in the allegation that not all the arms Lad been delivered up.

*The same newspaper gives details with regard to the outrages of the bashi-bazouks, especially of their having fired on Bulgarians employed on the railway.

THE REPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTION.

Perushtitsa was a well-built, flourishing village, inhabited entirely by Bulgarians, and situated at the foot of the Rhodope, three hours south of Philippopolis. It had 400 houses and about 3,500 inhabitants, with two churches and two schools. It had recently founded an agricultural society, and had collected money to start an agricultural school. It was richer and more prosperous than any other town in that region, and had on that account excited the jealousy and envy of neighboring villages, inhabited by Pomaks or Bulgarians, who, at the time of the Turkish conquest, had become Mussulmans, to save their property, and who, although they speak Bulgarian, and know but little Turkish, are in character as well as religion thoroughly Mussulman.

Even were there a committee here there was no insurrection. The inhabitants, alarmed by the flames of the burning villagès and the reports of pillage and murder, and frightened by the constant threats of massacre made by the inhabitants of Ustüna and other Pomak villages, sent one of their tchorbadjis or notables, Rangel Gitchof, with three companions, to Philippopolis to ask the mutessarif Amiz Pasha for protection. Two Zaptichs were sent to the village with orders to tell the inhabitants to keep quiet and live on good terms with their neighbors. The Zaptichs were also ordered to go to Ustüna and the other Mussulman villages to persuade the Mussulmans to make no attack on the Christians, and to urge them both to make some arrangement between themselves for their mutual protection. The Zaptichs, after staying a short time in Perushtitsa went on to Ustüna and did not return. The inhabitants of Ustüna insisted that the people of Perushtitsa should give up their arms and that a few of the leading men who had gone to Ustüna for negotiation should be kept as hostages.

Affairs looking constantly more and more threatening, Rangel was sent on a second mission to Philippopolis, and came back with a message from Aziz Pasha that he had no troops to give them, and that they must defend themselves in case of attack. The people of Perushtitsa insist that this was contained in a letter from the pasha. This the Turks deny.

In the mean time bashi-bazouks from the mountains had made their appearance before the village, and their leader, Ahmed-Aga, of Tamrysh, had sent Deli Hassen and another of his men into the town with orders to prepare everything for him, as he was coming with a band of bashi-bazouks to protect them. The inhabitants replied that they wished none of his protection and were ready to protect themselves. The bashibazouks refused to take back this message, and a threatening altercation ensued, during which they were seized by some of the inhabitants. It is not certain whether they were killed with arms in their hands or after they had given them up; but the people of Perushtitsa had become excited by the stories of the deeds of the bashi-bazouks brought by men who had escaped from some of the other villages which had been attacked.

Rangel was then again sent to Philippopolis to tell the governor what the people had done and the imminent danger in which they stood. In order to arrive safely he took with him his daughter, who was very ill, under pretense of consulting a physician. He was this time arrested, and is still confined in prison, as I was told by the Turks, partly because he had not informed the government of the death of the two Pomaks, and partly because he had conveyed powder and shot to the inhabitants of Perushtitsa. The Bulgarians say that he is detained because the Turks desire to prevent him from giving evidence of the fact that the people at Perushtitsa were told by Aziz Pasha to protect themselves.

The bashi-bazouks, who appeared before Perushtitsa, had first endeavored to enter the Greek village of Stenimakho, (1,500 Greek houses, 300 Bulgarian houses, and 80 Turkish houses.) The Greeks of this town, through the influence of their compatriots in Philippopolis, obtained permission to keep their arms, and had received some powder and shot from Philippopolis. They were then able to protect themselves. This was done onthe urgent representation of the Greek vice-consul, who had taken the responsibility of advising them to protect themselves, and had held the Pasha answerable if they were injured. In this they were in some degree assisted by Hadji Hamid, the mudir, by whose good will the town was saved. He succeeded in restraining the Turks of the place, who, in order to compromise the Christians, had gone to the churches in the night and endeavored to put powder in them.

After being prevented from entering Stenimakho, these Pomaks and bashi-bazouks went to the Bulgarian village of Liaskovo, which they completely pillaged, and then to Yabrovo, which they also plundered, killing one man.

On arriving at Perushtitsa, they were joined by the inhabitants of Ustüna, Tamrysh, and other Mussulman villages. Before attacking Perushtitsa they sacked and burned the monastery of St. Teodor, on the hill above, as well as those of the Panagia, and Bezsrebrinetsi, near Vuetshma.

Between six and seven hundred of the inhabitants of Perushtitsa fled for refuge to Philippopolis, and the rest resolved to put themselves in a condition of defense. For this purpose they took water and provisions into the two churches and school-houses,

cut loop-holes in the high and thick walls which surrounded the upper church-yard, and shut themselves up.

This was on Tuesday, the 9th of May. Some went out to surrender, but after giving up their arms they were immediately massacred. Others who fled to the fields were overtaken and killed. For three days the bashi-bazouks kept the people shut up in the churches, firing over the walls at any of them they could see, while they pillaged and burned the houses of the town.

Finally, on Thursday night, Rashid Pasha arrived with a battalion of redifs and some more bashi-bazouks from Philippopolis. It is said that he sent the insurgents a summons to surrender, but the inhabitants of Perushtitsa insist that no such message ever came, as they would at any time have been willing to surrender to regular troops. Having been informed by the bashi-bazouks of Ahmed Aga that Servian and Russian soldiers were defending the churches, Rashid Pasha immediately began bombarding them. During the night the people in the upper church on the hill-side decided to abandon it. They cut a hole in the rear wall and fled. Some of them went to Ustüna and gave themselves up, and they were, I am happy to say, in most cases, well treated. Many of the others took refuge in the lower church.

Next morning, on finding the upper church abandoned, Rashid Pasha moved his artillery to bombard the lower. Several shells came in through the windows, killing many people. The defenders, however, still held out until Saturday morning, the 13th of May, when, for the first time, they saw some regular troops. They opened the doors, and a part of them went out to surrender, but they were immediately massacred by the soldiers. The rest resolved to defend themselves to the death. But finally two or three women started out alone, succeeded in attracting the attention of the soldiers, and, on their lives being spared, persuaded the rest to follow and give themselves up. At the beginning of the defense of the village, the girls all cut off their braids of hair and dressed themselves in boys' clothes in order that they might save their honor in case they fell into the hands of the Turks.

Toward the end of the struggle one man, Spaso Genoff, killed his two sisters, his wife, and his four children, rather than have them fall into the hands of the Turks, and then killed himself.

All of the inhabitants of the town who were captured, as well as those who had taken refuge in the Turkish villages, were sent under guard to Philippopolis and imprisoned. The women and children were subsequently released, but the men were retained for a long time.

After the capture of the place the churches were stripped and in part destroyed. The church-yards, as well as the gardens of many of the dwellings, were dug up in search for buried treasure. Some valuables were found over which the crops had been planted and were growing. This the Turks bring up as proof of preparations for revolt. It cannot, however, be really regarded in that light, because it is the habit of Bulgarians throughout the country to bury most of their valuables and property from fear of robbery and pillage, and this has been done especially since the insurrection in Herzegovina.

Perushtitsa was entirely destroyed; not a roof, and scarcely a wall except those of the churches, remained standing. Altogether, about 1,000 people perished. The dead bodies remained for a long time without being buried-a fact which was stated at the time in some of the newspapers of Constantinople-and it was only on the urgent representation of the consuls at Philippopolis, that a pestilence might arise, that the government sent persons to bury them.

Ahmed Aga, of Tamrysh, who was the leader of the bashi-bazouks at Perushtitsa, was rewarded with a silver medal.

A Frenchman, M. Gouzon, was killed by the bashi-bazouks at Perushtitsa. Becoming alarmed at the fate of a companion, and disregarding the remonstrances of his friends at Philippopolis, he went to Perushtitsa. He arrived there the night before the attack, and remained in the village about an hour, eating his supper. The inhabitants begged him to intercede with the authorities and with the bashi-bazouks for them, and to say that they had no intention of resisting the government, but only desired protection. He endeavored to re-assure them. Soon after leaving the village he fell in with a party of bashi-bazouks, who stopped him, took from him all his money and his horse, and ordered him to sit on the ground. He protested that he was a Frenchman traveling for his private business, and showed in proof his teskerch, or passport. This was read by the chief of the bashi-bazouks, who immediately ordered the party to fire upon him. He died at once. His hat was afterward found riddled with shot. Although the French vice-consul obtained strong proof of the murder from persons who witnessed it, the mutessarif of Philippopolis, Hamid Pasha, endeavored to maintain that M. Gouzon was killed by the insurgents, and subsequently stated that his hat had been found in the church.

A part of the bashi-bazouks, after leaving Perushtitsa, went to the village of Diedovo, in the Rhodope Cabout, (100 houses,) the arms of the inhabitants of which had been refused to them on their onward march. The village now surrendered and the

S. Ex. 24-2

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