were assailed over against the town by six galleys, which notwithstanding in short time retired under their fortress.

There were in the road 60 ships and divers other small vessels under the fortress: there fled about 20 French ships to Port Real, and some small Spanish vessels that might pass the shoals. At our first coming in we sunk with our shot a ship of Ragusa of a 1000 tons, furnished with forty pieces of brass and very richly laden. There came two galleys more from S. Mary port, and two from Porto Reale, which shot freely at us, but altogether in vain: for they went away with the blows well beaten for their pains.

Before night we had taken 30 of the said ships, and become masters of the road, in despite of the galleys, which were glad to retire them under the fort: in the number of which ships there was one new ship of an extraordinary bigness, in burthen above 1200 tons, belonging to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, being at that instant high Admiral of Spain. Five of them were great ships of Biscay, whereof 4 we fired as they

us.

their continual shooting from the galleys, the fortresses, and from the shore: where continually at places convenient they planted new ordnance to offend us with: besides the inconvenience which we suffered from their ships which, when they could defend no longer, they set on fire to come among Whereupon when the flood came we were not a little troubled to defend us from their terrible fire, which nevertheless was a pleasant sight for us to behold, because we were thereby eased of a great labour, which lay upon us day and night, in discharging the victuals and other provisions of the enemy. Thus by the assistance of the Almighty, and the invincible courage and industry of our General, this strange and happy enterprise was achieved in one day and two nights, to the great astonishment of the King of Spain; which bred such a corrosive in the heart of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, high Admiral of Spain, that he never enjoyed good day after, but within few months (as may justly be supposed) died of extreme grief and sorrow.

were taking in the King's provision of victuals for the furnishing of his fleet at Lisbon: the fifth being a ship of about 1000 tons in burthen, laden with iron spikes, nails, iron hoops, horse shoes, and other like necessaries bound for the West Indies, we fired in like manner. Also we took a ship of 250 tons laden with wines for the king's provision, which we carried out to sea with us, and there discharged the said wines for our own store, and afterward set her on fire. Moreover we took 3 fly boats of 300 tons a piece, laden with biscuit, whereof one was half unladen by us in the harbour, and there fired, and the other two we took in our company to the sea. Likewise there were fired by us ten other ships, which were laden with wine, raisins, figs, oils, wheat, and such like. To conclude, the whole number of ships and barks (as we suppose) then burnt, sunk, and brought away with us, amounted to 30 at the least, being (in our judgment) about 10.000 tons of shipping.

There were in sight of us at Porto Real about 40 ships, besides those that fled from Cadiz.

We found little ease during our abode there, by reason of

1 Galleys. The galley-old Spanish "galea," later "galera," Arabic "khaliyah "a large ship, was low and flat-built, navigated with cars, and often rowed by slaves or prisoners. There is a Spanish galley, with its oars, on the right of the picture above, given from the Old Tapestries of the House of Lords.

Thus having performed this notable service, we came out of the road of Cadiz on the Friday morning of the 21 of the said month of April, with very small loss not worth men tioning.

After our departure ten of the galleys that were in the road came out, as it were in disdain of us, to make some pastime with their ordnance, at which time the wind scanted upon us, whereupon we cast about again and stood in with the shore and came to an anchor within a league of the town; where the said galleys, for all their former bragging, at length suffered us to ride quietly.

We now have had experience of galley-fight: wherein I can assure you, that only these 4 of her Majesty's ships will make no account of 20 galley's, if they may be alone, and not busied to guard others. There were never galleys that had better place and fitter opportunity for their advantage to fight with ships but they were still forced to retire, we riding in a narrow gut, the place yielding no better, and driven to maintain the same until we had discharged and fired the ships, which could not conveniently be done but upon the flood, at which time they might drive clear of us. being victualled with bread and wine at the enemy's cost for divers months (besides the provisions that we brought from home) our General despatched Captain Cross into England with his letters, giving him further in charge to declare unto

Thus

her Majesty all the particularities of this our first enterprise. After whose departure we shipped our course toward Cape Sacre, and in the way thither we took at several times of ships, barks and caravels well near an hundred, laden with hoops, galley oars, pipe staves, and other provisions of the King of Spain for the furnishing of his forces intended against England, all which we burned, having dealt favourably with the men and sent them on shore. We also spoiled and consumed all the fisherboats and nets thereabouts to their great hindrance, and (as we suppose) to the utter overthrow of the rich fishing of their tunnies for the same year. At length we came to the aforesaid Cape Sacre, where we went on land; and the better to enjoy the benefit of the place, and to ride in harbour at our pleasure, we assailed the same castle and three other strongholds, which we took, some by force and some by surrender.

Thence we came before the haven of Lisbon, anchoring near unto Cascaes,2 where the Marquis of Santa Cruz was with his galleys, who, seeing us chase his ships ashore and take and carry away his barks and caravels, was content to suffer us there quietly to tarry, and likewise to depart, and never charged us with one cannon shot. And when our General sent him word that he was there ready to exchange certain bullets with him, the Marquis refused his challenge, sending him word that he was not then ready for him, nor had any such commission from his King.

Our General thus refused by the Marquis, and seeing no more good to be done in this place, thought it convenient to spend no longer time upon this coast: and therefore, with consent of the chief of his company, he shaped his course towards the Isles of the Azores, and passing towards the Isle of Saint Michael, within 20 or 30 leagues thereof, it was his good fortune to meet with a Portugal carack 3 called Sant Philip, being the same ship which in the voyage outward had carried the three princes of Japan that were in Europe into the Indies. This carack without any great resistance he took, bestowing the people thereof in certain vessels well furnished with victuals, and sending them courteously home into their country: and this was the first carack that ever was taken coming forth of the East Indies; which the Portugals took for an evil sign, because the ship bare the King's

A seaport town of Portugal, about fifteen miles west of

3 Carack. The great ship of burden used by the Portuguese for trade with the East Indies is said to have been called in Portuguese carraca," from "carra," a wagon, because of the great load it bore. Others ascribe the name to a first use of it in trade with the Caraccas. Bugs, causes of needless fear. Welsh "bwg," hobgoblin, scarecrow. So Shakespeare, in the "Winter's Tale," Act iii. sc. 2:"Sir, spare your threats; This bug that you would fright me with, I seek."

The energies of life and thought that made Drake stand for Dragon in the eyes of Spain, and that bred in poetry a Shakespeare, gave also Bacon's genius in aid of the advancement of science. Francis Bacon, about three years older than Shakespeare, was the son of Sir Nicholas Bacon, Queen Elizabeth's Lord Keeper, and his mother, daughter of Sir Antony Cook, was sister to the wife of Elizabeth's chief statesman, Sir William Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh. As a student at Trinity College, Cambridge, Francis Bacon had shown distaste for philosophical studies that train a man to live within the prison of his own mind, acutely introspective, arguing over its way of arguing, thinking about its way of thinking, and accounting himself to know enough of the outward world when he can invent patterns of words under the name of definitions to explain its facts without asking how they arose, what they actually mean, and what fruit they can bear for the well-being of society. His wish, even as a youth, was to lead men away from the vain labour of running round and round within the circle of their own minds, like the mice in a revolving cage, and urge them to use their brains in aid of human progress. The mice in the cage are wonderfully active, and develop muscle; the cage-work is full of exercise, no doubt; but the workers never get an inch beyond their startingpoint. So Bacon thought it was with much of the philosophical work he was asked to employ his mind upon. It became his wish to persuade philosophical thinkers that the outer world is the great

quarry in which we must hew; that a man's brain is the tool with which he is to work that quarry, rich in the wisdom of God, which, when thus rightly won, becomes wisdom of man, and adds to the well-being of the human race. In this direction he did set thought working, and by so doing gave new life to science, for by the vigour of his genius he fixed attention on the only sound and fruitful method of search into the secrets of the physical world surrounding man; but this was not until after the death of Queen Elizabeth. In Elizabeth's reign he was battling for fortune. His father died suddenly when Francis Bacon was eighteen years old. There was a family by a former wife, and arrangements to provide for the two sons by a second wife were not completed. Bacon had to make law his profession instead of diplomacy, and seek to live by it. In 1584, when in his twenty-fifth year, he entered Parliament as member for Melcombe Regis, in Dorsetshire. In the Parliament that met in 1586 he sat for Taunton; he was member next for Liverpool. In 1589 he wrote-but did not print-a calm and earnest paper upon the unseemly spirit shown in the Marprelate and other Church controversies of the day.1 In October of that year he

obtained the reversion of the office of Clerk of the Council in the Star Chamber, which was worth nearly two thousand a year; but it was in reversion only, and he had twenty years to wait before it became vacant. In 1593, when Bacon was member for Middlesex, he offended the Queen by opposition to her wish on a question of subsidy. Next year he hoped, though only a young barrister of thirty-three, to get the vacant office of Attorney-General. Queen promoted to it the Solicitor-General, Sir Edward Coke, who had high standing in his profession, and was by nine years Bacon's senior.

The

Bacon tried then to obtain the office of SolicitorGeneral, which Coke's promotion had left vacant. After long delay, the Queen gave that office, in November, 1595, to another of his seniors. The young Earl of Essex had been patron to Francis Bacon and his brother Antony. To make amends for Bacon's disappointment, the Earl of Essex gave Bacon "a piece of land"-Twickenham Park-which he afterwards sold for £1,800 (equal, say, to about £12,000 in present money). In 1597 Bacon was in debt, and thought to help himself by marrying a rich young widow. That prize was afterwards (in November, 1598) won also from him by Sir Edward Coke. It was at this period of his life, when he was thirty-six years old, in January, 1597, that Francis. Bacon published the first edition of his "Essays."

This book was a very little one, containing only ten Essays, followed by twelve Sacred Meditations in Latin, and a third section of ten pieces, entitled "A Table of Colours; or, Appearances of Good and Evil." Bacon's "Essays" grew with his life. They represent his analytical spirit applied practically to man, with a view to the conduct of life, as in his philosophy it is applied to outward nature with a view to the material well-being of life and the

It is given in the volume of this Library illustrating English Religion, pages 183 to 190.

increase of man's store of wisdom. Apart from unauthorised issues, there were three editions of Bacon's "Essays," which mark their development. The first edition, in 1597, contained ten essays; the author's second edition, in 1612, contained thirtyeight; in his third edition, published only a year before his death, the number of essays was increased to fifty-eight. Moreover, the successive editions show continued work upon the old essays as well as the addition of new. Bacon's "Essays," in fact, seem to have been part of the utterance of all his life after it had reached its meridian, to have been always at hand in his study for modification or addition when he was disposed to quiet contemplation of human affairs, and they remain to us as finally issued the deliberate, well-weighed expression of his sum of worldly wisdom. The only essayist before Bacon was Michel Montaigne, and the first edition of Montaigne's essays had appeared in 1580; the second, much enlarged, in 1588; the third in 1595. The first English translation of Montaigne's essays was by John Florio, but that did not appear until 1603. A copy of that was in Shakespeare's library, for it remains with an undoubted autograph of Shakespeare, and there is shrewd use made of a passage from it in the second scene of the second act of the "Tempest." But the pleasant talk of Montaigne's essays supplied to Bacon no pattern of essay-writing. To Bacon, the essay was-according to the strict meaning of the word, preserved still in its other form of " assay -an attempt to reduce to its elements each relation of life that might be made a subject of analysis. In the first edition of ten essays, which shall be here given complete, the relation of life to religion is not yet included in the field of view, though the section of "Sacred Meditations" insures its being contained within the volume. Bacon begins with Study, Man alone with his thought; passes then to intercourse with another man, Discourse; then to the common forms of such intercourse, in three divisions, Ceremonies and Respects, Followers and Friends, Suitors; then to a man's management of his life in the household, in Expense, in Regimen of Health; then for his management and advancement of life in the outer world, at home and abroad, in the three remaining essays, of Honour and Reputation, of Faction, of Negotiating.

BACON'S ESSAYS-1597.

Of Studies.

Studies serve for pastimes, for ornaments, for abilities: their chief use for pastimes is in privateness and retiring: for ornaments, in discourse; and for ability in judgment: fot expert men can execute, but learned men are more fit to judge and censure: to spend too much time in them is sloth: to use them too much for ornament is affectation: to make

judgment only by their rules is the humour of a scholar: they perfect nature, and are themselves perfected by experi ence: crafty men contemn them, wise men use them, simple men admire them; for they teach not their own use, but that there is a wisdom without them and above them, won by observation. Read not to contradict, nor to believe, but to weigh and consider. Some books are to be tasted, others to be swallowed, and some few to be chewed and digested: that

is, some are to be read only in parts, others to be read but curiously, and some few to be read wholly with diligence and attention. Reading maketh a full man, conference a ready, and writing an exact man therefore, if a man write little he had need of a great memory; if he confer little, he had need of a present wit, and if he read little, he had need have much cunning to seem to know that he doth not know. Histories make men wise; poets witty; the mathematics subtle; natural philosophy deep; moral grave; logic and rhetoric able to contend.

Of Discourse.

Some in their discourse desire rather commendation of wit, in being able to hold all arguments, than of judgment in discerning what is true: as if it were a praise to know what might be said, and not what should be thought: some have certain commonplaces and themes, wherein they are good, and want variety: which kind of poverty is for the most part tedious, and now and then ridiculous: the honourablest part of talk is to give the occasion, and again to moderate, and pass to somewhat else. It is good to vary and mix speech of the present occasion with arguments; tales with reasons; asking of questions with telling of opinions; and jest with carnest: but some things are privileged from jest, namely, religion, matters of state, great persons, all mens' present business of importance, and any case that deserveth pity. He that questioneth much shall learn much, and content much, especially if he apply his questions to the skill of the party of whom he asketh: for he shall give them occasion to please themselves in speaking, and himself shall continually gather knowledge: if sometimes you dissemble your knowledge of that you are thought to know, you shall be thought another time to know that which you know not. Speech of a man's self is not good often; and there is but one thing wherein a man may commend himself with good grace, and that is commending virtue in another; especially if it be such a virtue as whereunto himself pretendeth. Discretion of speech is more than eloquence, and to speak agreeably to him with whom we deal, is more than to speak in good words, or in good order; a good continued speech, without a good speech of interlocution, showeth slowness; and a good second speech without a good set speech showeth shallowness. To use too many circumstances ere one come to the matter is wearisome, and to use none at all is blunt.

Of Ceremonies and Respects.

He that is only real, needeth exceeding great parts of virtue, as the stone had need to be exceeding rich that is set without foil: but commonly it is in praise as it is in gain: for as the proverb is true that light gains make heavy purses, because they come thick: whereas the great come but now and then: so it is as true that small matters win great commendation,

1 Bacon suggests a touch of the same cunning, which many use who would be sorry to commend it, in the next essay.

2 You shall be thought to know that which you know not.
There are a sort of men, whose visages
Do cream and mantle like a standing pond;
And do a wilful stillness entertain,
With purpose to be dressed in an opinion
Of wisdom, gravity, profound conceit;

As who shall say, "I am Sir Oracle,
And when I ope my lips let no dog bark!"
O my Antonio, I do know of these,
That therefore only are reputed wise
For saying nothing; when, I'm very sure,

If they should speak, 'twould almost damn those ears
Which hearing them, would call their brothers fools.

(Shakespeare's "Merchant of Venice," Act i., sc. 1.)

because they are continually in use, and in note, whereas the occasion of any great virtue cometh but on holidays. To attain good forms it sufficeth not to despise them, for so shall a man observe them in others, and let him trust himself with the rest for if he care to express them he shall lose their grace, which is to be natural, and unaffected. Some men's behaviour is like a verse, wherein every syllable is measured; how can a man observe great matters that breaketh his mind too much in small observations? Not to use ceremonies at all is to teach others not to use them again, and so diminish his respect: especially they are not to be omitted to strangers, and strange natures. Among a man's equals a man shall be sure of familiarity, and therefore it is good a little to keep state; among a man's inferiors a man shall be sure of reverence, and therefore it is good a little to be familiar: he that is too much in anything, so that he giveth another occasion of satiety, maketh himself cheap; to apply oneself to others is good, so it be with demonstration that a man doth it upon regard and not upon facility: it is a good precept generally in seconding another, yet to add somewhat of his own; if you grant his opinion let it be with come distinction; if you will follow his motion let it be with condition; if you allow his counsel, let it be with alleging further reason.

Of Followers and Friends.

Costly followers are not to be liked, lest while a man maketh his train longer, he maketh his wings shorter. I reckon to be costly, not them alone which charge the purse, but which are wearisome and importunate in suits. Ordinary followers ought to challenge no higher conditions, than countenance, recommendation, and protection from wrong. Factious followers are worse to be liked which follow not upon affection to him with whom they range themselves, but upon some discontentment received against some others, whereupon commonly ensueth that ill intelligence, that many times we see between great personages. The following of certain states answerable to that which a great personage himself professeth: as of soldiers to him that hath been employed in the wars, and the like hath ever been a thing civil, and well taken even in monarchies, so it be without too much pomp, or popularity; but the most honourable kind of following is to be followed as one that intendeth to advance virtue and desert in all sorts of persons: and yet where there is no imminent odds in sufficiency, it is better to take with the more passable, than with the more able: in government of charge it is good to use men of one rank equally for to countenance some extraordinarily is to make them insolent and the rest discontent, because they may claim a due: but in favours to use men with much difference and election is good, for it maketh the persons preferred more thankful, and the rest affectious, because all is of favour. It is good not to make too much of any man at first, because one cannot hold out that proportion. To be governed by one is not good, and to be distracted by many is worse; but to take advice of friends is ever honourable: for lookers on many times see more than gamesters, and the vale best discovereth the hill. There is little friendship in the world, and least of all between equals; that which is, is between superior and inferior, whose fortunes may comprehend the one the other.

Of Suitors.

Many ill matters are undertaken, and many good matters with ill minds: some embrace suits which never mean to deal effectually in them, but if they see there may be life in the matter by some other mean, they will be content to win a thank, or take a second reward. Some take hold of suits only for an occasion to cross some others, or to make an

information, whereof they could not otherwise have apt pretext, without care of what become of the suit when that turn is served: nay, some undertake suits with a full purpose to let them fall, to the end to gratify the adverse party or competitor. Surely there is in sort a right in every suit, either a right of equity, if it be a suit of controversy; or a right of desert, if it be a suit of petition. If affection lead a man to favour the wrong side, in justice rather let him use his countenance to compound the matter than to carry it: if affection lead a man to favour the less worthy in desert, let him do without depraving or disabling the better deserver. In suits which a man doth not understand, it is good to refer them to some friend of his, of trust and judgment, that may report whether he may deal in them with honour. Suitors are so distasted with delays and abuses, that plain dealing in denying to deal in suits at first, and reporting the success barely, and in challenging no more thanks than one hath deserved, is grown not only honourable, but also gracious. In suits of favour the first coming ought to take but little place, so farfoorth consideration may be had of his trust, that if intelligence of the matter could not otherwise have been had but by him, advantage be not taken of the note. To be ignorant of the value of a suit is simplicity, as well as to be ignorant of the right thereof is want of conscience. Secrecy in suits is a great mean of obtaining: for voicing them to be in forwardness may discourage some kind of suitors, but doth quicken and awake others. But timing of suits is the principal: timing, I say, not only in respect of the person that should grant it, but in respect of those which are like to cross it. Nothing is thought so easy a request to a great man as his letter, and yet not in an ill cause, it is so much out of his reputation.

Of Expense.

Riches are for spending, and spending for honour and good actions therefore extraordinary expense must be limited by the worth of the occasion: for voluntary undoing may be as well for a man's country as for the kingdom of heaven; but ordinary expense ought to be limited by a man's estate, and governed with such regard as it be within his compass, and not subject to deceit, and abuse of servants, and ordered by the best show, that the bills may be less than the estimation abroad. It is no baseness for the greatest to descend and look into their own estate: some forbear it not of negligence alone, but doubting to bring themselves into melancholy, in respect they shall find it broken: but wounds cannot be cured without searching. He that cannot look into his own estate, had need both choose well those whom he employeth, and change them often, for new men are more timorous and less subtle. In clearing of a man's estate he may as well hurt himself in being too sudden, as in letting it run out too long; for hasty selling is commonly as disadvantageable as interest. He that hath a state to repair may not despise small things: and commonly it is less dishonour to abridge petty charges, than to stoop to petty gettings. A man ought warily to begin charges which begun must continue, but in matters that return not he may be more liberal.

Of Regimen of Health.

There is a wisdom in this beyond the rules of physic; a man's own observation, what he finds good of, and what he finds hurt of, is the best physic to preserve health, but it is a safer conclusion to say, this agreeth well with me, therefore I will continue it: I find no offence of this, therefore I may use it: for strength of nature in youth passeth over many excesses, which are owing a man till his age. Discern of the coming on of years, and think not to do the same things still:

beware of any sudden change in any great point of diet, and if necessity enforce it, fit the rest to it. To be freeminded and cheerfully disposed, at hours of meat, and of sleep, and of exercise, is the best precept of long lasting. If you fly physic in health altogether, it will be too strong for your body when you shall need it: if you make it too familiar it will work no extraordinary effect when sickness cometh. Despise no new accident in the body, but ask opinion of it. In sickness principally respect health, and in health action, for those that put their bodies to endure in health, may in most sickness which are not very sharp, be cured only with diet, and good tending. Physicians are, some of them, so pleasing to the humours of the patient, that they press not the true cure of the disease; and some others so regular in proceeding according to art for the disease, as they respect not sufficiently the condition of the patient. Take one of a mild temper, and forget not to call as well the best acquainted with your body, as the best reputed of for his faculty.

Of Honour and Reputation.

The winning of honour is but the revealing of a man's virtue and worth without disadvantage; for some in their actions do affect honour and reputation; which sort of men are much talked of, but inwardly little admired; and some darken their virtue in the show of it, so that they be undervalued in opinion. If a man perform that which hath not been attempted before, or attempted and given over, or hath been achieved, but not with so good circumstance, he shall purchase more honour than by effecting a matter of greater difficulty wherein he is but a follower. If a man so temper his actions, as in some of them he do content every faction, the music will be the fuller. A man is an ill husband of his honour that entereth into any action the failing wherein may disgrace him more than the carrying it through can honour him. Discreet followers help much to reputation. Envy, which is the canker of honour, is best extinguished by declaring a man's self in his ends, rather to seek merit than fame, and by attributing a man's success rather to providence, and felicity, than to his own virtue and policy. The true marshalling of the degrees of sovereign honour are these: in the first place, conditores, founders of states. In the second place are legislatores, lawgivers, which are also called second founders, or perpetui principes, because they govern by their ordinances after they are gone. In the third place are liberatores, such as compound the long miseries of civil wars. or deliver their country from the servitude of strangers or tyrants. In the fourth place are propagatores, or propugnatores imperii, such as in honourable wars enlarge their territories. or make noble defence against the invaders. And in the last place are patriæ patres, 2 which reign justly, and make the times good wherein they live. Degrees of honour in subjects are, first, participes curarum, those upon whom princes do discharge the greatest weight of their affairs, their right hands as we call them ; the next are duces belli, great leaders, such as are princes' lieutenants, and do them notable service in the wars; the third are gratiosi, favorites, such as exceed not this scantling to be solace to their sovereign and harmless to the people; and the fourth are called negotiis pares, such as have great places under princes, and execute their places with sufficiency.

1 Conditores, builders. Perpetui principes, perpetual chiefs. Bacon added in 1625 to conditores, the word imperiorum, builders of empire. Propagatores, enlargers. Propugnatores, combatants for.

2 Patrio patres, fathers of their country. Participes cur.rum, sharers of cares. Duces belli, leaders of war. Negotiis parce, peers in public business.