enemies. And the pretext upon which the demagogues in the Locofoco ranks strive to do this is as false and unfounded as the object in view is selfish, reprehensible, and unpatriotic.

The Whigs, as a party, are cordially and unitedly in favor of extending the right of suffrage and every other civil and political right to all the citizens of Wisconsin, native or naturalized. Far from desiring to draw any line of distinction between the two classes, it is their earnest wish to see them placed on an equal footing so that, as years pass on, they may gradually become one people. Those who falsely represent to our adopted citizens that the Whigs are inimical to their rights and interests do so with a single eye to party advantage. The Locofoco leaders know full well that unless they can retain the united foreign vote on their side they must speedily lose their ascendancy, not in Wisconsin only, but all over the Union. Hence it is that they stoop to any artifice, however disreputable, to prevent adopted citizens from judging for themselves and dividing, as the native citizens do, upon the various political questions of the day, without regard to sect or birthplace.

It is an undisputed and undeniable fact that the large majority of American-born citizens are Whigs. Can any better prima facie evidence be required that the Whig policy is the true policy of the country? And does anyone doubt that if immigrants coming to this country, learning our language, adopting our sentiments, and accommodating themselves to our habits, should form their own deliberate opinions as to what policy to uphold and what party to join, a very large, if not the larger, proportion would side with the majority of those who, having always lived in the country, might be supposed best to understand what principles were most congenial to the spirit of our institutions and what measures were best calculated to advance the national welfare? Why, then, it may be asked, do we find the Germans, Irish, and other immigrants arrayed in mass on the Locofoco side? Simply because it is the constant and studied effort of the Locofoco leaders to make this class of our population believe that the

Whig party is hostile to their rights and would if they could deprive them of all voice and participation in the affairs of government.

The near approach of our territorial election has been made the signal for the renewal of these efforts at misrepresentation on the part of our opponents. That they will be to some extent successful in inducing our adopted citizens to band together under the Locofoco flag cannot be doubted. It must be the work of time to expose the falsehoods and dispel the delusions so industriously conjured up by our opponents. But truth will prevail in the end. The more intelligent among the German and Irish settlers already understand the game and rightly estimate the motives of the principal actors in it. Once satisfied that the Whig party is not inimical to them, they will disregard the earnest appeals of Locofoco leaders, and judge and decide on all questions of public policy upon their intrinsic merits, uninfluenced by any such narrow, illiberal considerations as are so constantly urged upon them by the organs of the Polk and Texas party. When they shall do this we do not doubt that the principles and measures advocated by the Whigs will commend themselves to their confidence and receive their enlightened and hearty support.

TACTICS OF THE ENEMY

[August 24, 1846]

The editor of the Madison Argus, a renegade Whig, is one of the Locofoco candidates for the convention in Dane County.

This circumstance seems to have stimulated afresh his zeal in behalf of his new associates and, like all turncoats, he is especially denunciatory towards those with whom he but recently acted. We esteem the Whig party especially fortunate in getting rid of all such soldiers of fortune, and we shall not quarrel with the editor of the Argus for deserting

to the enemy. But in adopting a new set of principles for himself he has no right to misrepresent and falsify those upheld by his former political friends. We find in the last Argus the following among other paragraphs aimed at the Whig party:

We care not what a mere handful of Whigs may find it convenient to profess. We know what are the principles of the party and we know that, give them the power, and they would saddle us with a batch of banks at the shortest notice, and that, once saddled, we should be ridden at their pleasure and for their profit-the whole Democratic party would instantly be under the ban of the bank power.

The effrontery of a charge like this would amaze us in anyone but a political turncoat. The fact is notorious that fivesixths of the banks in the United States were created by Locofoco legislatures. The old "monster" itself owed its existence to the party of which the Locofocos of the present day claim to be the legitimate heirs. When this institution was broken down some six hundred local banks, the offspring, for the most part, of Locofoco legislation, started up in its place. These institutions were not only made to subserve political purposes, but the very stock was distributed among the favored few of the party and no man was allowed to have a finger in a bank pie who did not swear allegiance to the Locofoco leaders. We venture to say that the whole history of our country will be searched in vain for such glaring instances of corruption, rascality, and abuse of power as are to be found broadcast in the Locofoco bank legislation during the eventful years of '34, '36, '37 and so on to 1840. And yet, with a full knowledge of all these facts, the Madison Argus falsely and impudently charges upon the Whig party the wrongs and robberies committed by its own political associates. No doubt the editor hopes by such gross and wilful misrepresentations to help himself in the coming canvass. But a victory won by inglorious means and dishonorable weapons will yield but a barren and short-lived triumph.

LETTERS OF “JEFFERSON”—No. 3

[August 27, 1846]

MESSRS. EDITORS: Our opponents are moving every power under their control to induce the good people to believe that they are their especial friends. And it seems to me that their hypocrisy has been sufficiently apparent, to put honest, thinking men on their guard.

They have asserted that low wages for the laborer is for his greatest advantage; also, that if our labor is done in England it will be greatly for the interest of the common laborer. And many other as foolish and base pretenses have been urged for the good of the industry of the country. But among all their pretenses there is nothing more black-hearted and false than that they are the advocates of universal suffrage. Let us look one moment at this pretense, and see if there can be any, the least particle, of truth in it.

Has not the Locofoco party been in power now some seventeen years, except one month when Harrison held the chair of state?

Have they not had the power to enact any law they chose during that time? And why is it, if they are the exclusive friends of the foreigner, that they have not repealed the law of a five years' residence before a foreigner can have the privilege of voting? What good reason can they give why a man who has abandoned his native country, in order to enjoy our free institutions, should be compelled to a residence of five years to become equal to any of our citizens? I have heard them argue as a reason why they have not repealed this provision, that the foreigner has never claimed any change. Yet they urge on the eve of the election that they are opposed to any distinctions between natives and foreign

ers.

The Whigs, on the other hand, have always held that all men are created equal; that location, birth, or any other cir

cumstance makes no distinction; that the mind is the true standard of man; and that when a man, wherever he may be born or whatever his condition, comes to this country with the mind to be an American and a freeman, he is qualified to act as a freeman. The Whigs hold that residence cannot change him for the better; that all he should be called upon to do, in order to entitle him to all the rights and immunities of a citizen, is to become a resident and to make known his intentions to be such; that five years' residence cannot fit such a man better; that paying taxes adds nothing to his capacity; that holding real or personal property will not qualify him better; and that a man who hates our government will not love it better because he is rich nor hate it worse because he is poor.

They hold that the act of abandoning their native home and indicating their intention to become the recipients of our free institutions are the strongest proofs that can be given in favor of that state of mind which is requisite to make a foreigner a good citizen. And that all such men should be allowed to vote for all the officers which are elective. And I ask, why is it, since our opponents have held the power to give to all this right at the coming election, that a part of our population is entitled to vote for only a part of the elective officers? They are residents and may vote for delegates, yet are deprived of the right to vote for the legislators. Are they not to live under the laws to be made to govern, as well as the constitution we are to live under? Does it require more capacity to enact laws than to lay down a foundation for our government! Let every voter look to these men who pretend so much interest in them at elections, and never do anything for them.

JEFFERSON.