SELECTIONS FROM THE MILWAUKEE COURIER

STATE GOVERNMENT

[ November 12, 1845]

We believe that the people of the territory are in favor of organizing a state government as soon as it can be legally and conveniently done. We believe that the legislature at the approaching session may provide for the holding [of] a convention to form a constitution, apportion the delegates. to the same (on the present basis of representation in the legislature), and designate the day of election as well as for holding the convention. We believe that all this may be done and a constitution framed in season to be presented to Congress at its next session, and Wisconsin [may] become a sovereign and independent state of the Union before the fourth of July, 1846.

This is the will of the people, and the representatives know it as well now as they would if the people had voted upon the question, when such vote, at any rate, would be informal, and could have no more force than public opinion expressed in any other way. This public opinion is already expressed. The time is propitious, and the expediency of the measure. undeniable.

ELIGIBILITY OF MINISTERS TO OFFICE

[November 19, 1845]

One of the features of the Texas constitution, we hope, will not be imitated by Wisconsin. No minister of the gospel or priest is eligible to the legislature there. We believe that ministers and priests are quite as good as other men, and quite as safe depositories of public trusts; therefore we would have them eligible to the legislature. Indeed, as they have pre

cisely the same interest in the country, in every respect as other humans, we would have them vote, fight, pay tax, run for Congress, and in all things, so far as the law is concerned, occupy precisely the same ground as other people. We want no church and state legislation.

The above article, from the Southport Telegraph, was copied into the last Wisconsin Argus without any disapproving comment, and in the absence of any note of disapproval we perhaps are justified in presuming that the sentiments of the Telegraph are endorsed by the "metropolitan" paper.

Whatever the views of the Telegraph may be in this particular (though sanctioned by the Argus) yet we feel confident that it does not properly reflect the wishes of the majority of the people of the territory upon this subject. This question has been considered upon to a very great extent; and we know of no one topic viewed in connection with our state constitution that has been in conversation so universally approved of by all parties as this feature in the Texas constitution that the Telegraph condemns. We know that a very respectable portion of our people will make a clear exposition upon this point a sine qua non in depositing their votes for delegates to frame the constitution. Such a provision as the Telegraph objects to has long been engrafted upon the New York constitution, and the restriction, we are satisfied, has been attended with the best results.

The messengers from God to man have, or ought to have, a holier ambition in carrying out the precepts of their divine master than in entering the wrangling field of political debate. The mild influences of the one are lost in the angry turmoil of the other. We are willing they may "vote, pay tax, and run," not for Congress, however, but "in the race that is set before them," satisfied that in confining themselves to their proper Christian duties they will reflect a higher and nobler honor on the cause they have espoused than if they are found as political disputants and candidates of a party, which to some extent at least must inevitably weaken their power upon more serious subjects over the

minds of those who are politically opposed to them. A true minister of the gospel, one who faithfully practices the solemn injunctions of his God and whose aim is to add luster to His name, should keep his skirts clear of everything which might, even indirectly, impede his Christian course or lessen that influence which his sacred calling gives him; all of which, if we properly understand what appertains to his profession, should be exclusively exercised for the spiritual improvement and benefit of his fellow man.

We cheerfully subscribe to the last suggestion of the Telegraph, that "we want no church and state legislation," and hope to see no union of the kind; and if the ministers of the "church" will confine themselves within their proper sphere, we think we can assure the Telegraph that the "state" need apprehend no danger from that quarter.

ELIGIBILITY OF MINISTERS OF THE GOSPEL TO THE

LEGISLATURE

[November 26, 1845]

Our neighbor of the Gazette is "both surprised and sorry" at the position which the Courier assumes upon this question. It need not surprise or grieve our neighbor to find us differing upon many matters of political concernment. If a difference of opinion is to have this effect upon them, we fear they will have occasion to be sorry very often. We took the bold stand for the exclusion of ministers of the gospel from seats in the legislature after due consideration and a somewhat extensive observation of cause and effect in political matters. We have witnessed the baneful effect upon society of mixing politics and religion, and we wish as far as possible to remove the inducements to do this. We acknowledge the truism of the Gazette that "Ministers are men like ourselves, possessing the same passions, and liable to the same temptations," and hence the danger of holding out before them the prizes of the political race, to incite a

worldly ambition, and to tempt them to abuse the holy confidence of their flocks, which their ministerial calling has given them. Who so blind as not to foresee the result upon society should an ambitious man assume the robes of a priest in a popular church to work out political distinction? His office of gospel teacher admits him into the most confidential domestic relations of life, and his influence over the minds of his flock, through the various members of their families, is of the most binding nature. If to this is added the strength of political party organization, he holds an undue and unjust influence as an individual. Supposing him then to become a Whig or Democratic candidate for representative in the legislature or the councils of the nation, the issue would be made a religious and not a political one. If he was a Catholic priest, the religious force of the other churches would be used against him; and if a Presbyterian or a Baptist political priest, he might reasonably calculate to have the opposition of the Catholics, whose church has been denounced by the candidate from his pulpit, as one that should be opposed politically. Thus the politic-religious issue would be joined, and who has not seen enough of such controversy to know that the most malignant passions of the human heart would be loosed? And after a contest of this nature, waged by crimination and recrimination, one party or the other being victorious, who would answer for their conduct or moderation? The recently enacted scenes in New York and Philadelphia are instructive upon this point.

The admissions of our neighbor are such as no man can deny, and are the very foundation of our position. But we beg leave to differ with them when they call our position an illiberal one. We believe it to be the only one that will preserve our elections from the illiberality of sectarian strife, and keep our state affairs free from the dictation of church.

THE PLEA OF "HIBERNICUS"

[March 25, 1846]

FRANKLIN, W. T., March, 1846

There is another question in conjunction with the division of the county to be decided at the coming election, viz: Whether we shall remain as we are, a territory, or vote to become a state. That question has been discussed in the last legislature, and I have but few remarks to make on that subject, and only such as have not been put forth to my knowledge by those who have spoken before me upon the subject. It is generally understood, I presume, that Congress has stopped our rations, thereby giving us a gentle but sharp hint that we must for the future work for and board ourselves. We are now come of age and we ought, by all means, to set about developing the resources of our future state; that we never can do till such a time as we become a state. Not many years ago a portion of our territory in the mineral region west or northwest of Lake Superior was ceded to John Bull in consideration of a patch of woodland on the Aroostook. That transfer never could have taken place if we had been a state. Second, we are losing severely by reason of having no internal improvements in our territory of any consequence. If we were once in possession of a great central railroad leading from our lead mines to the principal towns upon our lake shore, particularly to the city of Milwaukee, our city in a short time, comparatively, would become like New York and Boston. White lead factories would in a short time be established in our city, and it would be the means of bringing

an immense capital into our town which would make hard money plenty throughout the country; besides, a vast amount of merchandise would be transported to the interior of the state, and they, on the other hand, could send in their surplus