least populous, should contain the best men, they and they alone should be sent, and no man should permit a local feeling to enter his mind while making the selection of a candidate. Neither should the mere charm of talent or oratory be considered sufficient requisites (although a due importance should doubtless be given them) but men should be selected because by their acts they have won the confidence of the people, and because the people feel satisfied that they know where these men are to be found on each important question that will arise; and all this is equally applicable to both parties.

The Democratic party should look to those men they have known to be firm and steadfast in their faith, earnest in their labors, and ardent in their love for party principles, and they should take care that no minor questions should mingle with the great purpose for which they are about to select agents. Upon the result of the first convention depends the prosperity of the state for years, and experience too plainly points out that restraints are more necessary to a young and flourishing state than to any other. Cast but a glance across the broad waters of our noble lake, and see the suffering and misery that has been entailed upon a sister state by the want of restraining clauses in her constitution. Look along the shore, and see the same error with the same consequences. Both states ran madly into speculation, both indulged in day dreams of mighty wealth, boundless power, and early happiness, and both awoke to poverty, anguish, and disappointment. Yet many of the statesmen in each, perhaps the most of them, were as honest as they were earnest, and deemed they were doing good service to their fellows, and those to come after them. If there had been proper restrictions they would have been forced to delay, and delay would have saved them, opening the eyes of the people to the enormity of the undertakings.

We trust that we shall soon be a sovereign state, for to us it appears that no moment will be more propitious than the present. The whirlwind that so lately swept the Union has

purified the political atmosphere and men reason more coolly and justly. A few years ago, and the world was mad with great schemes. Now we think more of quiet happiness. We have made the discovery that neither the stability of a government, nor the comfort of a people are promoted by vast systems of internal improvement; but that on the contrary both must be endangered. The wealth of a state must of necessity be mainly drawn from its people, and when that wealth is excessive we may feel assured that either the comforts of the citizens have been, or are to be, abridged. Let us, then, taking warning from the many examples around us, look singly to the happiness and independence of the many. Let our legislation be to ensure as much as possible, reasonable advantages and reasonable comforts to all, and to help none to build up magnificent fortunes. Let our aim be to war neither for nor against the rich, but that honest industry and perseverance may meet its full reward, unobstructed by the stumbling blocks that are so often thrown in its way.

Nature has been so bountiful to us that we need ask but little from legislation. Strong arms and willing hearts can find abundance throughout our country, and channels are near enough to carry away all that we do not need for our own use. We want little save protection and equal laws to flourish prosperously, but, without these, we can only expect the extremes of wealth and poverty.

In order, then, to procure a frugal and economical government and to ensure a people possessed of the same qualities, we must be careful in the choice of candidates for the coming convention, sending men in whose probity and wisdom we have full confidence, and rejecting those we cannot trust, either for the want of the first quality or because they are ready to indulge in those daydreams of visionary greatness that are alike injurious to individuals and states.

It may be said that the fever of speculation has vanished, and that neither individuals nor states are now affected by it. It may be so at the present moment, but who shall say it will not soon return? We want constitutional guards against it,

and we want it likewise in the hands of the people as directly as possible. The career before us is full of prosperous hope. Our land is one of promise, and why should we mar its beauties? Beauty of climate, fertility of soil, health, comfort, and sufficient toil to nerve the body and strengthen the mind are all before us, and what more can government do for us, save protect us in the enjoyment of these?

Let us, then, act with proper energy and we can secure the little we want by insisting on proper restrictions now and a periodical restoration of all power to the people at large, and not to their deputies. To do this all local feelings must be abandoned, all local prejudices forgotten, and the selections made merely with reference to fitness. The stake is too important a one to allow anything foreign to divert attention from it. We are about to bind not only ourselves but our heirs, for they must either be benefitted by, or suffer from, the selection we are about to make. Let that selection then be made from the best, the purest, and most democratic of your citizens, no matter where they are, and the result must be propitious.

AN EXEMPTION LAW

[April 21, 1846]

For many years past, people have discovered the necessity of relaxing the old laws respecting debt. It is now considered a barbarous custom to imprison men for their misfortunes, and it begins to be considered little less barbarous to take from them the last copper they have, and in all probability the last hope they have of even paying their debts.

Some years ago, different states passed laws exempting a few absolute necessities from execution, and it was found that this exemption was of great service to those who had been unfortunate, while at the same time it did not injure others. Since that time, several states have increased the

value of property exempted by law, and this has also proved beneficial. Now, there seems to be a strong opinion abroad that it would be a most excellent thing for the country, if a portion of real estate of a definite value, with the necessary buildings and tools of trade or materials of cultivation, with the produce, etc., should be also exempted from all legal process, save for the payment of taxes, and this opinion seems to be a growing one.

To us it would seem that such would be a wise constitutional provision, and when thus recognized would work no injury to anyone, and would be worth much to the country at large. Of course no one would give a credit based upon such property, and no one would ask it. When a man knew that by earning this amount he would have a resource in case of misfortune, or would leave a competence to his family in case of death, it would at once become his dearest object to secure thus much, firmly, before he attempted to realize a large fortune by uncertain speculation. We all know that he who commences prudently and aims only at a competence is more likely to prove a good and useful citizen than he who attempts by wild speculation to realize a large fortune. The existence of such a provision would then induce men to exercise economy in order that they might first arrive at this certain point, and, after becoming fixed in such habits, he would be much less likely to launch out into extravagance and folly.

There would likewise be a certainty, in case of death, that the family a man left would be properly educated, and being brought up neither in extreme poverty nor in riches would also make good citizens, and, appreciating the value of the property that had given these advantages, each child would be anxious to save the same amount as soon as possible.

Another great benefit would be that a fatal blow would be struck at the small credit system; for of course those who had made themselves thus independent would not require credit, and those who were laboring for that independence would know well that it could not as easily be procured if

they should use credit instead of cash. Besides this the merchants would not be so ready to give credit as they are now, and could of course sell at a less rate of profit, while their own earnings would be as great or greater. We would not wish, of course, to render the collection of existing debts more difficult nor to impair the value of any present contract, but we see no reason why, on the commencement of a new state government, such a system should not be grafted in with as much reason as the more limited exemption of half a dozen chairs, a couple of swine, and thirty days' provision. The principle is the same in both cases, and the only question is how far it ought to be carried.

Unnecessary wealth it is not asked should be freed from debts, but it is asked to secure to every man a competence that will prevent either him or his family from coming on the town. Neither will he be obliged to keep this property; for, of course, if he deems it necessary or proper, he may sell it either to pay debts or to better his condition. We believe that few will ever, after having once secured this certainty, part with it lightly; and we believe that such a disposition will do much, very much, to secure to the state a body of the most intelligent and independent citizens in the whole Union.

We are not the advocates of great wealth, for we believe that few draw much enjoyment from such a source; but we are strong advocates for offering to men an independence, earned by their own exertions and secured to them against misfortune, aye, or even against folly. By so doing we believe we shall elevate the general tone of feeling. We think we shall induce men to prefer certain independence to uncertain wealth, and to base all hopes of distinction more upon mental effort than upon the paltry pride of money. We believe, also, that such independence will do away with what we may almost term the vice of small office-seeking, both from the disinclination to performing the difficult and often humiliating duties attached to many offices, and by rendering such offices for the most part needless.