state of New York, in some portions of the state a deep interest was awakened among the people; public meetings were held; the outlines of constitutional reform were discussed, and the people embodied their wishes by resolutions and other means; and it is noticeable that in those counties in New York, where the most free and frequent discussions were had, the delegates elected to the convention have exhibited the most strict adherence to the will of the people, and have thus far shown an unwavering determination to carry out those great measures of reform, which the people of that state seem to desire. That there are men in the New York convention who are misrepresenting the wishes of their constituents we most fully believe; if, however, their constituents had at the proper time taken measures to have expressed more fully and unequivocally their wishes, doubtless those members of the convention who falsely represent the people would have pursued a course more compatible with the trust confided to them. In this territory but little discussion has been had, and no public meetings have been called for the express purpose of arriving at public sentiment in regard to the leading and essential features of the constitution. The views of not one in twenty of the delegates are known to their immediate constituents; and we doubt not but that a very considerable proportion of the delegates are unable to tell what their views are, relative to the prominent points in the constitution, for the substantial reason that they have Under these circumstances, it is impossible to predict a single feature of our prospective constitution. A few leading men will most likely have the fashioning of our organic structure, and upon their will, judgment, or caprice depends the result for good or evil. We hope for the best, yet we cannot avoid misgivings. none. The convention of New York will doubtless have some influence upon the convention of Wisconsin; a large proportion of our own population, especially in the eastern counties, came from the Empire State; hence it is natural that they should regard with partiality its institutions. We have seen much of the proceedings in the New York convention that we admire; many excellent things have been suggested in that body, as proper to be engrafted in the new constitution. But if we mistake not, among the good, we have discovered much that is bad. There are many highminded men in that convention above reproach, but we believe that no impartial reader can have failed to discover much of the demagogue among some of its members. There are wire workers, who evidently design to fashion office and their emoluments to suit the convenience of political aspirants, whom the knowing ones have already designated to posts of favor. We know that such conduct seems almost incredible, but who that has observed the vacillating course pursued the much talking to please the people, the adoption one day, and rejection the next, the making of flaming speeches in favor of reform, and yet voting quite the reverse does not arrive at the opinion we have expressed? Should influences of the kind we have named find their way into the convention of Wisconsin sufficiently to control its action, we believe the constitution framed will be promptly rejected, unless there is greater imbecility in the public mind than we have ever yet believed, or even suspected. Indeed, we cannot believe that the great body of the people will go for the adoption of the constitution as it may come from the hands of the convention, for better or for worse, if it contains radical defects; if it bears the impress of being fashioned more to suit the convenience of prospective officeholders than the people, let it never be riveted upon this young Republic. It is true the people can but ill afford the expense of another trial, but, rather than entail a radical mischief or a gross wrong upon the people for a whole generation, it would be far better to make a half dozen trials, regardless of the expense. It will perhaps be said that to anticipate or discuss events of this kind, and at this period, is entirely uncalled for; we think otherwise it is always wise to prepare for evil, although it may appear remote, so as to be well enabled to meet the emergency. That the interests of the people will be greatly promoted by going into the Union cannot be questioned by anyone; and had Wisconsin become an independent state two years ago, our pecuniary condition would have been much better than it now is. That our expenses will be increased for a time, upon our taking on ourselves the responsibilities of government, must of course be expected; and such would be the result were we to defer the matter of state government for a dozen years to come. Give us a good constitution-a constitution that contemplates an economical government-prompt and impartial justice-no useless officers to be supported by the people-and the sooner we assume the attitude of a sovereign and independent state, the better. INDEX ABOLITIONISTS, in Wisconsin, 50, 97, | Appropriations, for territorial legisla- 99, 467, 519; organ of, 13. Adams, John, cited, 302. Age limit, for judges, 242. Alabama, constitution of, 9, 317; judi- ciary in, 451. Albany, constitutional convention at, Albany Daily Citizen, cited, 167. Aliens. See Foreigners. proposed to United ture, 24, 60-62, 67-68, 74-75, 215, 358, 372, 374-75, 420-24, 492, 501; Arbitration, to supplant legal proc- esses, 304-307, 316, 335-38, 408; Assembly of Wisconsin Territory, 57- American Historical Association, Re- Assessment. See Taxation. ports, 31. advocated, 188-89. tion. Ames, Fisher, cited, 244. Anderson,, in Rhode Island, 394. 514. Baker, Charles M., in territorial coun- Baker, Florence E., "A Bibliographical |