thousands, notwithstanding its Locofoco president was one of Mr. Polk's recently-appointed United States marshals and has been proposed as a candidate for governor! The Locofoco party also created the "Individual Liability" Bank of St. Clair, the Bank of Michigan, Bank of Constantine, and about fifty Wild Cat banks in Michigan; and chartered the banks of Gallipolis, Canton, Binghampton, Manhattan, West Union, Lebanon, Circleville, Owl Creek, Kirtland, and scores besides, "too numerous to mention," and which it is not necessary to mention--for they have left among the people worthless notes amounting in the aggregate to millions of dollars as mementos of the folly and improvidence of Locofoco legislation. In short, three-fourths at least of all the insolvent banks which have failed since the origin of Locofocoism have been created by the Locofoco party. We care not what may be their hypocritical professions. We prefer to judge of them by that better criterion of merit, their actions. The latter are almost invariably a perfect burlesque upon the former. Sooner would we trust a famished dog with our dinner than a set of ranting Locofocos with the power of granting bank charters. They are sure to wield it, and wield it so unwisely, too, as to render it the agent of grievous calamity.

And now with regard to the right of citizens to vote: When, where, and how, have the Whigs ever opposed universal suffrage-properly so termed as has by implication been alleged? Never, anywhere, in any manner whatsoever. As a party they have always advocated the measure; they still adhere to it with unabated zeal, and intend to abide by it through every vicissitude of fortune. And furthermore they will endeavor to dissuade men from the prostitution of this inestimable prerogative to base and unworthy purposes, even though the success of such dissuasion haply imply defeat to some of the darling projects of progressive locofocoism. But the representation in the Argus conveying the idea that the Whigs of Dane are in favor of negro suffrage is a wilful fabrication-the ebullition of a morose temper-the

offspring of a little mind and vindictive spirit. With as much truth and greater propriety might it be declared that our opponents are in favor of enfranchising not only the Ethiopian race, but also the Indians, outlaws, convicted felons, paupers, idiots, infants, and wax dolls. Perhaps our contemporary mistook the doctrines of some of the distinguished members of his own party for those of the Whigs. The Locofoco states of Virginia, New Hampshire, and South Carolina restrict the right of suffrage to freeholders; and Martin Van Buren would have done the same thing for New York, when a member of the convention to amend the constitution of that state, and was moreover the champion of negro suffrage-plated with gold, however, to give it respectability! All we need now say respecting the Native American movement is, that it originated with the Tammany Locofocos of New York City. The Daily Aurora, a Locofoco paper, was transformed into the accredited organ of the Native party in that city, and Mr. Levin's Locofoco paper became the organ of the Native party of Philadelphia. While the Whig party has stood aloof and refused an alliance with the "Natives," the latter have found kindred spirits in the Locofoco ranks. A distinguished Locofoco member of the Ohio senate, a few years since, earnestly declared in a public speech that if there was any difference between a Dutchman and a hog, it was his opinion that the difference was decidedly in favor of the hog! Such an opinion the Whig party does not entertain. It is Locofoco "thunder," and we are not disposed to filch it from the party.

THE ISSUE

[August 25, 1846]

The question is now fully before the people of this district, and especially of the county of Dane, whether we are to have incorporated into our state constitution humane and liberal provisions-whether we are to receive by that instrument

We consider

the "greatest good to the greatest number." it a question of political life or death. If the principles advocated by the Whigs, as set forth in the proceedings of the mass meeting which nominated delegates to the convention, are left to go by the board, if they are betrayed and deserted in the house of their friends, who will answer for such criminal neglect? If they are sustained-if the people come to their rescue, the country will rejoice and prosper in their success. If not, we must remain as we are, hirelings and slaves to executive dictation!

I believe the fact is undisputed that the Locofoco party opposes Whig principles-that it lives and has a being for no other purpose under the sun. We are warranted in coming to this conclusion by long experience of the fact; and it matters not how salutary the measure of reform, if the Whig seal is placed upon it opposition is the cry and the watchword.

The country has long seen and felt the evils of a landed aristocracy. New York has suffered from it, and she still suffers. Other states in the Union feel it a clog upon their prosperity, paralyzing the energy and crippling the industry of their yeomanry. If the people of Dane County are indifferent to their interests and the interests of our new state they, too, may reap the bitter fruits of a powerful yet legalized aristocracy. The Whigs are opposed to its existence, and ask that it never shall be allowed to breathe the free air of Wisconsin!

The Whigs ask that the people may be allowed to elect their own civil officers. They are met with opposition. They are told that corruption and intrigue will be resorted to in obtaining office, that the bench will be corrupted, that the ballot box will be polluted, that the people are not supreme, that their "agents" alone are capable to appoint them, and that life tenures are preferable to short ones. The Whigs advocate an elective judiciary, and insist upon short tenures in office!

Nor do they stop here. Every principle which ennobles and gives dignity and sobriety and character to human na

ture calls loudly upon us, now that we have the power, to secure to each family in our wide country the means of subsistence to secure to the farmer, mechanic, and laborer a competence when he has once obtained it; to protect him from the avaricious grasp of the merciless creditor; to make him what God designed he should be, a free man—an independent, virtuous citizen. Strange as it may seem, the Whig principle that the homestead of the citizen shall be exempt from sale under an execution is met with opposition-simply, I suppose, because it is Whig doctrine!

The Whigs hold that we are all members of the same family-all bound to the same irrevocable destiny. It is for this that they would extend free suffrage to the foreigner-welcome him to all the rights, immunities, and privileges of citizenship. If the self-styled Democratic party adhere to this principle, why have they not asserted it?

In this county we have opposition candidates to the state convention. One set is avowedly, fearlessly, and fully in favor of these measures; and if silence, as still as the deep caverns of the earth, has meaning, the other is avowedly hostile to them.

Under these circumstances they are before you. The one with their principles openly promulgated-the other, with none at all.

The packed convention which nominated one set was fighting only for men; the other, which was composed of the people in council, was contending for principle.

Such was the Locofoco-and such was the Whig convention! Draw the contrast, and then judge for yourselves.

Farmers! Mechanics! Laborers! Citizens of Dane County, can you be long in deciding what course to pursue? Look at the "no-principle party," and then inquire if this is the way in which your great interests shall be treated, in which you all have the most important questions that have ever occurred! Will you be satisfied with such a representation as they have presented for your support? You are

soon to determine the question-a question, I repeat, of political life or death. Your interests are at stake, and upon you the consequences must fall.

A WHIG.

WHO IS THE ARISTOCRAT?

[August 25, 1846]

The man who is for making the rich richer, and the poor poorer. Who is for robbing the poor man of the little pittance of worldly goods which would enable him to give bread to a starving family and [for] giving it to a rich and lordly creditor to swell his already overgrown wealth. How, you ask, is this done in a country of laws? It is done by law. Twothirds of the laws upon the statute books are made to enable the rich to collect their debts. But are they not as much for the benefit of the poor? No; the poor man cannot, if he dare, go to law; and if he dare to, he will soon wish himself out. There are but few poor men who can spare their fives, their tens, or their fifties to be placed upon the checkerboard of the law, though they may be certain of the prize. The rich [man] speculates upon the poor man's inability to meet the expenses of the law: five dollars may pay his way into a justice's court, but that is only the beginning; ten must go to the lawyer in the court above, fifty to the lawyer in the court above that, and so on from court to court, till the poor suitor finds that he is beat for want of funds to go on, or that he has spent a hundred for every dollar gained. What mockery, then, to tell the poor man that the halls of justice are open alike to all. Here, then, is a system which cannot force the rich man to pay his debts, where the poor man is the suitor. Does it force the poor man? Aye, does it; and sometimes twice over. The same causes which prevent the poor man from prosecuting will prevent his defending. How often has the lordling's curse been heard-"I'll beggar that man and his family, forever." A few years will tell the tale;