"A VOTER" STATES HIS VIEWS

[September 1, 1846]

The "committee," consisting of "B. Holt & others," is in blast, and through their candidates are speaking forth the views of "the party," and surpassingly honored and edified am I thereby.

The story of Aladdin's Lamp, or Sindbad, the Sailor, possesses far less of amusement than the reply of our Locofoco candidates to the committee, in answer to interrogatories put to them by "B. Holt & others." The reply of one George B. Smith (who was nominated to save the party from a split) was very well written, and possessed evident marks of superior statesmanship. From its reading, one would have supposed that its author had just returned from at least twenty years of service in Congress. "My opinions," says this young embryo, "are so well known, that it is useless to express them here." Modest and unassuming young man, did you lay the corner-stone for the Democratic edifice? Are you the projector and father of the Locofoco creed? Are your opinions so well known, that a repetition of them is altogether unnecessary? Such a rare specimen of modesty ought to be rewarded-and the possessor elevated, at one bold push, to the highest niche in the temple of political fame. Sun Prairie was fortunate in adopting so worthy a sire to lead her sons and daughters to eminence and fame.

Next comes John Y. Smith-the modern Sampson-the political Hercules-and with one dash of his mighty pen, carries away the slender foundation on which this "B. Holt & others" had planted their hopes of political salvation. He denies their right to interrogate him, and without much ceremony bids them mind their own business. He owns, however, that he is opposed to banks or monopolies of any kind, opposed to an elective judiciary, opposed to the reservation of the farmers' homestead, etc., etc. On the whole, I think

J. Y. Smith was sincere when he published to the world that he was not related, politically, to "one G. B. Smith." I commend him for his honesty in this particular.

Benj. Fuller, Esq., comes next with his manifesto. How it will suit the views of the party remains to be seen. He acknowledges what Mr. Smith protests against, to wit: the right of the committee to interrogate him. Question I relates to banks. Read his answer:

I am not in favor of the establishment of a bank, etc., unless the corporation of the bank gives as good security, in real estate, for the redemption of their notes (aside from specie actually in their vaults) as they would ask for the loan of money.

I would place a prohibition in the constitution against the incorporation of any bank or banks, unless so restrained, and I would prohibit in the constitution the establishment of any branch of a bank chartered elsewhere.

We can have as good a constitution, as good a currency and credit as any people in the world; therefore I hope the people will not delegate power to the legislature to make "wild-cat" money, or to do anything to injure the credit of the state, so that if we have bank notes at all, we shall have such as people will be proud to see Wisconsin on the face of it.

Here is an avowal in direct opposition to the creed of the Locofoco party in Wisconsin, as expounded by the Argus. The Argus man says that if he is elected he will oppose any kind of banks; Mr. Fuller will vote for them on certain conditions. He is opposed only to "wild-cat" issues—and in the name of common sense who is not?

Mr. Fuller says he "would" impose restrictions on the elective franchise. He wishes to let the people know that if "they are convicted of a state's prison offense, they forfeit what every American holds dear"-the privilege of voting, we suppose he means. Strange doctrine, that! A most explicit and full reply to the question of the committee! I am not prepared to say whether Mr. Fuller means to evade the question, or that he does not comprehend the meaning.

Mr. Fuller, however, cannot be misunderstood on the exemption question. The question is put: "Are you in favor of, or opposed to, exempting any real estate from being taken on execution," etc. Mr. Fuller replies in the following words:

I would not place such exemption in the constitution but I am in favor of the legislature exempting a team, tools, household furniture; and I would not object to a house and small piece of land.

Farmers, do you hear that? The Locofoco candidates for the convention are in favor of exempting a team, tools, and household furniture, while they would allow the merciless creditor to turn you out of doors. But they are not willing that even this small pittance shall be guaranteed to you by the constitution. They wish to leave the matter open for future legislation-for party quarreling and party capital. I deem it better by far to settle this question by constitutional enactment. It will save much foolish and unnecessary legislation-it will save much time and money to the people. But it will accomplish a much more desirable object. It will secure the widow and orphan their home-it will dry up a fruitful source of misery and human suffering. The Locofoco candidates are opposed to the measure; yet they would not object to the reservation of a "house and small piece of land,"-made so by statute law and liable to be repealed at every session of the legislature.

The reply of Mr. Fuller to the question of "electing all executive and judicial officers" is not commendable to the head or heart of that gentleman, and unworthy of notice by any candid mind. It is evasive and shuffling-wanting grammar and wanting sense. About the same may be said of the other points which I have not deemed it proper to notice.

It is to be hoped that every elector in the county will look well to the men and measures they are about to support. Names are nothing in this contest. Party dwindles to a mere dwarf in comparison with the great questions at stake.

A single vote in a town or precinct may tell with effect upon the action of the convention. A single vote in that body may secure to you for all time to come political freedompolitical life. Look to it!

THE ELECTION: ITS RESULTS

[September 8, 1846]

A VOTER.

After a well-contested battle, the Whigs of this district have succeeded in electing their candidate for the Council. In Dane County they have elected their candidates for sheriff and register. The Locos had so well succeeded in palming off their spurious doctrines on the Norwegian voters in this county as to obtain, in a great measure, their unanimous suffrages in behalf of their candidates for the convention and thus destroyed all our hopes from that quarter. This vote, and this only, was the cause of the defeat of at least a portion of the candidates on our convention ticket. The Whig party are accused of having used threats, bribes, misrepresentations, promises, lying, and fraud, getting up split tickets, trading off their candidates, and much more besides to secure the success of their ticket. All these accusations of "bribery and corruption" are worn out and stale, they are stereotyped charges with the Locofocos, they appear periodically, and die off naturally for the want of sustenance. But we submit that the charges in relation to split tickets and trading off candidates come with a peculiar ill grace from the side of our opponents, when it is so well understood that the leaders of the "Tadpole branch" of the Locofoco party in this place exerted all their influence for the avowed purpose of defeating John Y. Smith, one of the regularly nominated candidates on their own ticket; and now they proceed to denounce the Whigs for practices of which they themselves have been so notoriously guilty. Verily, "those who live in glass houses should not throw stones."

SELECTIONS FROM THE MILWAUKEE SENTINEL AND GAZETTE

THE POWER OF BORROWING MONEY

[July 28, 1846]

One of the most important subjects which will demand the attention of the convention for the formation of a constitution for this state is that of borrowing money-whether it shall be left exclusively with the people or given to the legislature. The experience of the several states has shown us the evils of delegating the money borrowing power to agents -evils so apparent to all who care about informing themselves on the subject that we shall now enumerate but few of them.

It is a sound political axiom that money should always be granted by the people to their rulers with a sparing hand. In monarchies there exists a disposition on the part of the monarch and nobility to apply as much of the earnings of the great mass of the people to their own use and benefit as they can reach. In republics the same disposition also exists; but its gratification is restrained by the operations of free institutions. It was well remarked by a distinguished member of a convention in Virginia, that "every spark of freedom in Great Britain arose from the power to give or withhold money. "Give money, "said the king. "Give power in exchange," said the commons. "Give money,' said the Crown-"money I want and must have." "If then," said the House, "this money is so deeply important, give us in return security for our rights and liberties, for our birthright."

There is one appalling fact connected with national or state debts-never yet has one been fully paid off! The