pendent political condition we are bereft of very many of those advantages which flow from an independent and permanent government, controlled in all its departments by ourselves upon principles of stability and duration, etc., etc.

STATE GOVERNMENT-No. 2

[March 10, 1846]

We have said that "every consideration of self-interest and public policy" required of the people of Wisconsin to vote for state government. We will go further, and say that duty demands it of them-downright shame, indeed, should urge them into the adoption of self-government. With a population of more than one hundred thousand souls, shall we remain the nursling of Uncle Sam, drawing our sustenence from his larder? No, no! fellow-Badgers; let us put on pants, and assume the dignity of free-men! Let us make unto ourselves a charter of rights as a self-governing community, and take our position in the line of the now twentyeight confederated sovereignties.

A friend writes us from Washington that, could the few citizens of Wisconsin who deem it inexpedient to vote for a convention now only be present at the seat of government a part of a session of Congress, they would come home divested of every shadow of doubt on the subject, and would urge upon their fellow citizens the immediate adoption of state government; that it is humiliating to a high-minded Wisconsonian, cherishing an ardent affection for his beautiful home, to witness the cold neglect with which his territory is treated in the halls of Congress. Our delegate, who is the organ of more free people than any state representative in the Union, is doomed to play the part of a suppliant for favors, rather than demand rights for his constituents; and is driven to a mortifying course of solicitation in order to secure a small share of the benefits flowing from the National Government,

which in justice should be bestowed equally upon every portion of our common country.

Now our only chance of redress for these grievances is to vote "for state government" on the first Tuesday in April. This will enable us to assume the responsibilities and acquire the franchises of American sovereigns within one year from this date. Wisconsin will then shine forth as a conspicuous star in the bright constellation of free and "United States." She will then have her senators and representatives on the floors of Congress to advocate the rights and vote for the interests of Wisconsin and the West. We can then take a proud stand of equality with the other sovereignties of the Union; and shall then be enabled to realize and enjoy facilities for acquiring wealth, intelligence, and happiness, the elements of which have been so bountifully scattered throughout our territory by the great Architect of the uni

verse.

THE CONVENTION

[March 24, 1846]

The convention that must soon be held to form a constitution for the new state of Wisconsin demands of its inhabitants the most severe thought, for it is from the mass of the people that the constitution must emanate, the members of that body being but agents. These agents, however, must be chosen for their qualifications, must be men in whom the utmost confidence can be reposed, and should be selected with a view not only to their intelligence, but to the confidence reposed in them by the people of the county they represent.

It is to be remembered that their legislation cannot be local, that they must act only for the whole state, and therefore that they should be selected from the county at large, without reference to any particular location. If any one town, whether it be even the smallest in the county or the

least populous, should contain the best men, they and they alone should be sent, and no man should permit a local feeling to enter his mind while making the selection of a candidate. Neither should the mere charm of talent or oratory be considered sufficient requisites (although a due importance should doubtless be given them) but men should be selected because by their acts they have won the confidence of the people, and because the people feel satisfied that they know where these men are to be found on each important question that will arise; and all this is equally applicable to both parties.

The Democratic party should look to those men they have known to be firm and steadfast in their faith, earnest in their labors, and ardent in their love for party principles, and they should take care that no minor questions should mingle with the great purpose for which they are about to select agents. Upon the result of the first convention depends the prosperity of the state for years, and experience too plainly points out that restraints are more necessary to a young and flourishing state than to any other. Cast but a glance across the broad waters of our noble lake, and see the suffering and misery that has been entailed upon a sister state by the want of restraining clauses in her constitution. Look along the shore, and see the same error with the same consequences. Both states ran madly into speculation, both indulged in day dreams of mighty wealth, boundless power, and early happiness, and both awoke to poverty, anguish, and disappointment. Yet many of the statesmen in each, perhaps the most of them, were as honest as they were earnest, and deemed they were doing good service to their fellows, and those to come after them. If there had been proper restrictions they would have been forced to delay, and delay would have saved them, opening the eyes of the people to the enormity of the undertakings.

We trust that we shall soon be a sovereign state, for to us it appears that no moment will be more propitious than the present. The whirlwind that so lately swept the Union has

purified the political atmosphere and men reason more coolly and justly. A few years ago, and the world was mad with great schemes. Now we think more of quiet happiness. We have made the discovery that neither the stability of a government, nor the comfort of a people are promoted by vast systems of internal improvement; but that on the contrary both must be endangered. The wealth of a state must of necessity be mainly drawn from its people, and when that wealth is excessive we may feel assured that either the comforts of the citizens have been, or are to be, abridged. Let us, then, taking warning from the many examples around us, look singly to the happiness and independence of the many. Let our legislation be to ensure as much as possible, reasonable advantages and reasonable comforts to all, and to help none to build up magnificent fortunes. Let our aim be to war neither for nor against the rich, but that honest industry and perseverance may meet its full reward, unobstructed by the stumbling blocks that are so often thrown in its way.

Nature has been so bountiful to us that we need ask but little from legislation. Strong arms and willing hearts can find abundance throughout our country, and channels are near enough to carry away all that we do not need for our We want little save protection and equal laws to flourish prosperously, but, without these, we can only expect the extremes of wealth and poverty.

own use.

In order, then, to procure a frugal and economical government and to ensure a people possessed of the same qualities, we must be careful in the choice of candidates for the coming convention, sending men in whose probity and wisdom we have full confidence, and rejecting those we cannot trust, either for the want of the first quality or because they are ready to indulge in those daydreams of visionary greatness that are alike injurious to individuals and states.

It may be said that the fever of speculation has vanished, and that neither individuals nor states are now affected by it. It may be so at the present moment, but who shall say it will not soon return? We want constitutional guards against it,

and we want it likewise in the hands of the people as directly as possible. The career before us is full of prosperous hope. Our land is one of promise, and why should we mar its beauties? Beauty of climate, fertility of soil, health, comfort, and sufficient toil to nerve the body and strengthen the mind are all before us, and what more can government do for us, save protect us in the enjoyment of these?

Let us, then, act with proper energy and we can secure the little we want by insisting on proper restrictions now and a periodical restoration of all power to the people at large, and not to their deputies. To do this all local feelings must be abandoned, all local prejudices forgotten, and the selections made merely with reference to fitness. The stake is too important a one to allow anything foreign to divert attention from it. We are about to bind not only ourselves but our heirs, for they must either be benefitted by, or suffer from, the selection we are about to make. Let that selection then be made from the best, the purest, and most democratic of your citizens, no matter where they are, and the result must be propitious.

AN EXEMPTION LAW

[April 21, 1846]

For many years past, people have discovered the necessity of relaxing the old laws respecting debt. It is now considered a barbarous custom to imprison men for their misfortunes, and it begins to be considered little less barbarous to take from them the last copper they have, and in all probability the last hope they have of even paying their debts.

Some years ago, different states passed laws exempting a few absolute necessities from execution, and it was found that this exemption was of great service to those who had been unfortunate, while at the same time it did not injure others. Since that time, several states have increased the