hoped and believed, that when brought into successful operation, it will serve as a pattern for numerous similar institutions, throughout the slave holding states, and in other suitable situations; to be established and sustained by the government, and supplied with pupils by purchases of young slaves, with the public funds. Thus, while the present and next succeeding generations are left to disappear gradually, in the ordinary course of nature, their progeny may be imperceptibly withdrawn from their degraded situation, fitted for a higher condition, and transplanted without a shock or convulsion, or too sudden a change in the state of society and of labor, to a soil and climate suited to their nature; where they may find a country, and in becoming citizens and freemen, may confer incalculable benefits on the whole African race, and contribute as much, by a mutually beneficial commerce, to our wealth, strength, and prosperity, as they now do to that poverty and weakness, which are conspicuous in the parts of the United States which they inhabit.

Such, sir, is the outline of the undertaking, in which I wish to interest you and your enlightened and philanthropic friends in the east. Should you or they deem it worthy of further inquiry, I shall at all times be happy to answer any questions which you may propose, and to give you such information or hints as may be in my power.'

These general features of the scheme are in the main judicious and well devised. We have only to add, that we hope provision will be made for receiving into the school and instructing any recaptured Africans, that may chance to be rescued in this country; as in the case, for instance, which occurred at Baltimore eighteen months ago. It is very important, also, to provide for receiving native children from Africa. It is a common thing for the chiefs and head men to desire their children to be instructed in reading, writing, and the arts of civilised life; several have been sent to England for this purpose, and among the native chiefs now on the coast the number is not small of those, who can speak and write the English language fluently. In many cases the parents of the children would be able to pay the expense of their education. The whole concerns might be negotiated through the agent at the colony, with whom the natives would be acquainted, and in whom they would confide. The ad

vantages of such instruction to the youth, who are afterwards to be the leading men of their tribes, are incalculable. And it is to be hoped, that it may soon be in the power of the Society to establish a similar school in the colony itself, where the natives may be accommodated at less expense. And we would again intimate, what we suggested on a former occasion, that auxiliary societies, in addition to subscribing to a general fund, should be encouraged to select and send to the African school, proposed to be established in this country, any pupil whom they may choose, and become responsible for the expense of such individual while in the school. In this way, children of the best capacity and character will be likely to be brought together, a vastly greater number of persons will be interested in the success of the school, and the society itself be relieved from a large portion of the burden under which it must labor, if compelled to collect funds for the entire support of the establishment.

Some of our readers may perhaps be curious to know the fate of the eleven Africans, the particulars of whose rescue were described by us on a former occasion. They sailed from Baltimore in the packet ship Fidelity, and all arrived safely at Liberia, where they were given in charge to Dr Ayres, at that time agent of the colony. This gentleman returned with them to their own home, as related in the following extract from a letter written by him.

'It was ascertained that they had been taken in war near our settlement, and sold to King Shaker, of Gallenos, and by him sold to the captain of a Spanish vessel. This vessel was plundered by captain Chase, of Baltimore, and boldly brought into that port, trusting to his influence with certain persons of high standing, to elude the authority of our laws. But by the interference of E. Tyson, deceased, there was an investigation, and the slaves were detained until I arrived in that city, and took charge of them as Agent of the Colonisation Society. Their case could not be decided before I sailed for Africa, but they were shortly after set at liberty, and sent in the African packet to our colony, and delivered to my care. As they all preferred returning to their parents and families to remaining in our colony, they were permitted to do so.

When I went on board the vessel, though much emaciated and reduced almost to a skeleton, they immediately recognised me to be the person who had the year before rescued them from slavery. I had scarcely stepped my foot on deck before they were all round VOL. XX.-NO. 46.

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me, expressing by words and gestures the most heartfelt satisfaction for the favours they had received.

'When the vessel was getting under way, yielding to early impressions, by which they had been taught to consider a white face and treachery as inseparable, they concluded they were betrayed, and were again to return to America. They sprang below to get their bags, and were about to plunge into the ocean, and swim to the shore with their bundles. On being assured I was about to restore them to their native towns, some of which were nearly in sight, their confidence was restored, and they contentedly went to work. When arrived at Sugary, our crew being sickly, I sent on shore for Charles Gomez, a native, who had been educated in England, to come off with his boat, and take the captives on shore. He came off, accompanied by several of the natives; and here a most interesting interview took place between these long separated acquaint

ances.

'A circumstance attending this affair is truly characteristic of the African character. One of these captives had been taken by this Gomez two years before, in a war between him and the father of the captives, and afterwards sold to King Shaker. This captive was at first very shy of Gomez, and refused to go on shore with him, fearing the war was not yet over, and that he should be again sold to a slave vessel then lying in sight; but I assured him that he was in no danger; that I knew the war to be over; that Gomez was a particular friend of mine, and traded with me; and in the presence of both assured them, that should Gomez attempt to do him injustice, I would not fail to chastise him. These assurances entirely overcame his doubts, and when told that his father and the fathers of two others of them were then standing on the beach, not knowing that it was their sons, whom they had long supposed were doomed to perpetual slavery, were so shortly to be restored to their fond embraces, they all stept into the boat, and in a few minutes astonished their delighted parents on the shore. I was much pleased to see that Gomez appeared truly to enter into the feelings of those poor creatures at this time, although he had been the cause of all their sufferings; but that it was considered by them as the fortune of war, and created no hostile feelings of revenge.'

Apprehensions have been expressed, that the colonists would be in danger from the Ashantee wars; but a very slender stock of knowledge of African geography would dissipate all such fears. The distance between the colony and the Ashantee country is several hundred miles, and the intermediate regions are peopled by numerous distinct tribes, who form an impassable barrier to any hostile incursion, even ad

mitting what is wholly out of the question, that there could be any possible motive for such an attempt.

In regard to emigration to Hayti, as we have hinted above, the plan approves itself to us as one, which ought to be promoted, for although our predilection is in favor of the colonisation scheme, yet we do not perceive that one interferes in the remotest degree with the other. The great object of the philanthropist, and of the patriot, and we presume of every person engaged in either of these enterprises, is to free the United States of its colored inhabitants, by providing an asylum for them in some other country, where they may enjoy the blessings of liberty, and sustain an equality of rank and condition. This we say is the primary object, and it will not be denied, that this object is as completely gained, by sending these people to the bealthful climate of Hayti, under an organised and liberal government, as by transporting them to Africa. It is true, the noble and humane purpose of kindling the torch of civilisation in Africa is not advanced by the Hayti project, yet, after all, as far as we in the United States are concerned, this is but a secondary consideration, and we may well be satisfied with relieving ourselves from the evil of the colored population, and if possible, wiping the disgrace of slavery from the charter of our country's freedom, without deeming it a condition absolutely requisite, that we should take on ourselves the task of enlightening and civilising a continent long buried in darkness. These things may safely be entrusted in the hands of Providence, without any reproaches on our conscience for neglect of duty; and although it would be a cause of joy to see the sons of Africa returned to the home of their fathers, establishing good governments among themselves, and communicating the influence of their example to their degraded brethren, yet as this event can only be accomplished by slow degrees and in a limited extent, it would seem a dictate of wisdom and humanity to open any other channel, through which a portion of the colored population may in the meantime pass to a country, which promises them equality of rights and privileges, a fertile soil, protection of property and the consequent advantages of social life.

From the best accounts, which can be obtained, Hayti is such a country. Its government is apparently founded on principles as liberal, as the present condition of the people,

will bear, and for the last few years it has been administered with energy. The nation has flourished, agriculture and com merce advanced, and the whole fabric, both political and social, has been gaining consolidation and strength. The trial by jury, that great palladium of human rights in a free government, has not been introduced; the mass of the old inhabitants were too ignorant to act in the capacity of jurors, and it was more safe to leave the cause of justice in abler although in fewer hands. But the numerous schools now instituted, and the universal diffusion of education, have already produced a change in this respect, and the time may be anticipated as not far distant, when the trial by jury, a more general extension of the electoral franchise, and some other principles essential to a strictly popular government, will be engrafted into the constitution of Hayti.

Nothing can be more fair and honorable, or indicate a better spirit, than the part which President Boyer has acted, respecting the emigration of our people of color to that country. He invited them first by a proclamation, offered them lands, citizenship, and all the privileges of native Haytians. Out of his own private purse he paid the expenses of numbers, who accepted this offer. Individuals, who have of their own accord gone out to seek employment, he has aided, and if they were industrious and sustained good characters, he has continued to them his patronage, providing them with lands to cultivate, or other means of occupation. Whatever may be the motives of interest with which he is influenced, in wishing to increase the population of the island, and extend the growth of its agriculture and commerce, all his communications and all his actions prove that he has a higher motive; that he feels deeply for the condition of the colored people in this country, and that he is ready to make any reasonable sacrifice for their relief. His proclamation above alluded to, his letters to Mr Dewey and Mr Collins, his instructions to citizen Granville, published in New York in the pamphlet of Correspondence now before us, and his private communications to individuals in the United States, some of which we have seen, bear the amplest testimony to this fact. In short, we doubt not that perfect confidence may be placed in his professions and designs, and that his promises will be realised, unless some unforeseen changes in the government shall take from him the