EDWIN CROSWELL, OR THE PRINCE OF PRINTERS. 147 enormous and iniquitous waste of the public money ;" but the public will remember, that Van Buren had majorities in both houses, he had the means of investigating every dishonest charge, and he had sworn before God to veto every bill which he could not, on full inquiry, deliberately approve. When, in an expenditure of about 150 millions, Congress offered for Van Buren's approval, money the lion's share of the plunder levied by the regency, in the form of charters for banks, stock, &c. He dealt in public lands, he borrowed out the deposits, he sold his dwelling-house, with only three walls, to Marcy, Flagg, Dix and Beardsley, for the use of the governor, at $19,000 -the governor would not set his foot into it, and it had to be resold at a great loss-he was allowed enormous prices for his printing work, and many documents have passed through my hands where he made 100 pages out of what would not have been 50 in the same type, if fairly and economically printed-from those who had to give legal notices, a tax was levied of much more than they could have been as fully published for in other newspapers than the Argus-and the legislative report says, "This monopoly was so perfect, that if any of the executive officers had a job of printing which a mechanic would offer to execute at half the price allowed in the contract, the wheels of retrenchment were firmly blocked by the prerogative of the State printer, secured to him by a law which could not be modified without the concurrence of the three branches of the law-making power." Governors, judges, senators, presidents, mayors, democrats and doorkeepers changed places-Croswell seemed the only permanent personal institution in the state. I have always considered Weed's inroad as the equivalent at least of the battle of New Orleans-in state printing. That enigma of a man, Col. Young, was loud and earnest in Croswell's support, in 1839, in defiance of public opinion, his own principle of rotation, and his perfect knowledge of Croswell's cunning, tricky, sordid character. Croswell has paid Young off since, in abuse and exposure; published his begging letters for bank stock; and is now endeavouring to keep him out of the convention. When the two stock-jobbing rascals, Senators Bishop and Kemble, were exposed as public cheats, Croswell stuck to them like a brother to the very last. Bishop, has, I think, reappeared on the stage. I am told he was in the Van Buren state convention at Syracuse in 1844, and went first for Bouck, Wright being his second choice. Among the official returns and estimates of Croswell's emoluments, are legislative printing $298,000-printing for canals and offices $88,000-publishing notices $120,000-printing revised statutes $15,000-legal advertising $50,000-publishing contracts, &c. from post-office $10,000. (Benjamin F. Butler, besides his private practice, extracted from the merchants of this city and the executive, fees equal to about $70,000 in a little over two years!) Croswell is not very popular, and finding he could not keep his office longer, he joined the whigs and a part of the democrats, last March, in recommending that everything printed officially may be henceforth done by contracts. If those who give out the contracts are honest and capable, there will be a saving by this; if not, not. Croswell is a hunker in state politics; goes for Texas, slavery, Polk, Marcy, and Canada, Oregon, plunder, war; anything to make money. A hard money loco-foco is his detestation. He expressed a deep regret that such discreditable candidates as Slamm, of the Globe, and R. Townsend, had been nominated by Tammany Hall for the Assembly, in Oct. 1837, and turned up his nasal organ at "the fac tion," as he called some very worthy, honest friends of equal rights in this city. "Newspapers (says Hammond) are to political parties what working tools are to mechanics"-and Col. Duane, in 1810, asked, "Why should we censure the National Intelligencer for adapting itself to the style and temper of its congressional patrons? Its existence depends upon its obedience to the temporising and tricking schemes of the influential members of Congress. A paper published at Washington is as much dependent on the influence of the leading members as the newspapers of London on the court; and there are as strong inclinations to control and render the press subservient to views not purely public at the capitol, as at St. Stephen's." Some years ago, a democratic corporation of New York gave a $14,000 advertisement, be tween the Evening Post and New Era. The same information could have been better spread for $1,000, but it was a fee. So, too, the public administrator's three weeks' notice lately in the Globe daily, at a large expense, and many more such. The Custom-house here has its favorite presses. Unclaimed goods are advertised once in nine months, and sold. The notice of sale, if published thrice in the papers of largest circulation, might be useful. Hoyt made it politically useful. In the fall of 1840, Mumford's Standard, Bell's New Era, the Evening Post, and the Journal of Commerce, each advertised these unclaimed packages for ONE MONTH, and received for so doing over $1800. When Hoyt was tried for embezzlement, the Post and Journal disposed of his case, interesting as it was to merchants, in a very few lines. Is it not clear and evident that a convention, and all the manly intelligence and sterling honesty of the commonwealth are wanted, to secure, if it be possible, permanent peace without overwhelming corruption, as its accompanyment? John Van Buren is, like Croswell, fond of money, but he has the art of a seeming frank 148 JOHN VAN BUREN, or the prince OF POTHER. votes of forty-four millions which the executive had not required, his duty, his oath required him to examine carefully, and if he did not see cause to approve, to veto the profligate bills. Van Buren's estimates in four years were 9 millions-Congress voted him 143 millions. On each bill he wrote "approved."* ness and liberality which are not real.) I have made my readers well enough acquainted with him, by other descriptions in this volume. Respectable journals have nominated him to the presidency, and after what has been who can tell what may be? He visited London some years ago on professional business, and while there swore to the identity of J. W. Webb, by his writing, so that through the sharp practice of Corning and others, he was arrested for an American debt while in Bristol. (His language in private life may be judged of by his letters, which, though full of blasphemy against God, Vice Chancellor McCoun protected as literary property, so far as to enjoin my last pamphlet, and, as far as he could, conceal from the honest people of the State his true character.) He was appointed Attorney General by that system of nomination which, as the Post admits, is corrupt to the core, and managed by “a few corrupt politicians, who, like a greedy pack of hounds, set upon any man who dares to expose their profligacy." John Van Buren is a rowdy, the associate of rowdies-matched in mouth with "Mastiff, blood-hound, mongrel grim, and the rest of that motley turnspit pack, that open in concert most hideous, whenever our state Nimrod provokes the scent of a true reformer, all of them ready to bear him down, if possible. John Van Buren was nominated for attorney general, by 93 members of the party, assembled in a private room. The vote was 47 to 46, so he had but one of a majority there, which, if added to 44, not at that caucus, who supported Noxon, in the official vote, shows 91 members opposed to him, 46 for him. Yet by this infamous, cheating system this man got 92 votes and a salary, as first lawyer of New York, and soon after delivered a funeral eulogy on Jackson at the capitol. He entered into partnership with James McKown, formerly and now again Recorder of Albany-went down to Hudson to ASSIST the district attorney there to try poor Boughton and others-failed to convict him-made out his bill for $500, and Silas Wright ordered payment-went down next term; assisted to try Boughton over again; had a row and boxing match with Ambrose Jordan, Boughton's lawyer, Van Buren being the ag gressor; insulted the court; both were sent 24 hours to jail with the prisoners; the jurors and witnesses, and case delayed; Boughton was convicted; Van Buren asked the Judge (Edmonds) what would be a fair additional compensation, over and above his SALARY and the $500 he had had before; Edmonds replied, another thousand dollars; this shocked even a Van Buren, or perhaps Governor Wright refused to sanction such wholesale Butlerizing, so Van Buren made out his bill for another $750, and got it. He was the real "big thunder" after all. Wright sent him up to Delhi next, to assist the district attorney there, and ordered Flagg to pay him another $500 for that trip, as an extra. Greene poisoned his wife, and Wright sent him there also, to help the government lawyer, and gave him $350 extra for that. These douceurs are all in addition to very lucrative fees of othice from the people, with a salary, and his private practice. The statutes define $5 a day as a reasonable compensation if a man go abroad$8 a day are paid to a Senator at Washington, and $3 to one at Albany. Wright allowed Van Buren nearer to $40 or $50 a day. Quite economical! A few days ago, in Assembly, Mr. Harris proposed a resolution for adoption, stating that Van Buren, Colvin, district attorney, a judge, and others were at an Albany County Convention on March 31st, he viewing 100 ruffians, who beat a number of respectable persons violently and dangerously, that a committee of inquiry should be appointed, for the sake of the impartial administration of justice. Nothing is as yet done. A late production on the attorney general, entitled "The Lash," contains more truth than poetry: O, favorite grandson of the Empire State!' What can'st thou pause, and shall it then be told Forbid it. tall John, prove thyself thy sire's, Thee being good, still lengthens out thy days, Feeds thee with pap, and gives thee every good, Clothes thy long back, and to thy fire adds wood: Nor stop thon here, but enimbate the man Who scorns to lie. or touch the flowing can. These are thy faults: and must I add, that play Takes up thy time, and leads thee much astray? * Extravagance, he said, was not objectionable. When Jackson vetoed the bank, he was reminded that Madison had not done so. His reply was, I think the bank unconstit tional. Who had equal means with Van Buren to inquire into, expose and check national profligacy? No one. He had the whole army of officials at hand, to aid his investigations, BUT HE SHUT HIS EYES AND MADE NONE. In defiance of his solemn pledge to delLd the constitu tion, he said, “I approve," to the expenditure of many millions, for the most wasteful pur VAN BUREN'S PROFLIGATE EXPENDITURE AND PENURIOUSNESS. 149 What says clause 2d of § 7, art. 1, of the constitution? That every bill "shall, before it become a law, be presented to the president: if he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections." HE HAD NO OBJECTIONS. Every profligate vote had his willing signature; and, in his message of Dec. 1839, this faithless sentinel replied to the public murmurs against him, that "no instance has occurred since the establishment of the government, in which the Executive, though a component part of the legislative power, has interposed an objection to an appropriation bill on the sole ground of its extravagance." Was not this calumniating others to shield his own misconduct ? CHAPTER XXX. A Hint to President Polk how to stop the Speculators, and settle the Public Lands with hardy and happy Farmers. EDMUND BURKE, in his work on the French Revolution, condemned the scheme by which a paper circulation of 250 millions of dollars, founded on the confiscated lands of the church and nobility, had been substituted for the money of the nation; and wisely foretold, that "drawing out at discretion portions of the confiscated lands for sale, and carrying on a process of continual transmutation of paper into land, and land into paper, would produce an oligarchy of the worst kind, and leave power in the hands of the managers of this unstable circulation." Burke detested these Butlerizing adventurers, and most truly remarked, as many farmers in America have felt since his day, that "USURY IS NOT A TUTOR OF AGRICULTURE." Heaven save the Republic from such overshadowing Land Companies as that of 1835, by Wright, Butler and Van Buren! poses, and then turned round and offered as an apology that less profligate presidents had not been very particular in their inquiries. This is old British tory extravagance with a vengeance. George IV. could not have played his part more royally. When Van Buren had been but one day governor of New York, he wrote Hoyt, "I cannot consent to contribute by any act of mine to the prevalence of that great political vice, a desire to shun responsibility." When president, he shuffled off the obligation of an oath to see economy practised, by the plea of," it is not fashionable to put that part of the constitution in force in a literal sense." It was fashionable for the executive to wink at the profligate expenditure of Congress, the members of which vote themselves $16 a day in place of $8, in various forms-and though 40 to 60 members will be absent for months together, every man of them, in the teeth of the law, gets pay from the first day of the session to the last, just as if they had been all in Washington attending to their duty. Not long since, Mr. Bryant mentioned in the Evening Post, that half the captains and commanders of the navy were at home on their farms, or in other business, and had been so for many years; which meant that some 70 men were receiving, some $2500 and others $1800 a year each, for nothing, and getting unfit for sea service, in order that government might have patronage, and be enabled to provide infi sential families with idle and affl tent livings at the public expense. This is far, far worse than even in England-but Van Buren sought not to provide a remedy. Every public defaulter is not only a liar, but is punishable for perjury," says Dr. Mayo of Va. Of the enormous embezzlements made known in Van Buren's time, was there even one rascal punished? Poin lexter tells us that Woodbury was checked by the President when he ventured to threaten or interfere with the sharp practice of Jesse Hoyt! Compare this sickening public profligacy with that ingrained avarice and meanness which could slander individuals, call them dogs and impostors, and groan in spirit for the risk of losing a $5 or $10 loan! [page 181], setting an attorney a-dunning after a few shillings-and [pige 201] bidding Hoyt's brother charge an account with one cent! John Van Buren, too, how keen he looks after the smallest difference in money! while S. T. Van Buren, another son, liberally bestows a $5 bill to set the New Era afloat as a democratic journal! Compare these with the violation of an oath, the approbation of wholesale profligacy and extravagance, and acquit Van Buren if you can. 150 POLK AND GREELEY, OR THE WAY TO LAY OUT NEW STATES. * President Polk, in his message of last December, acknowledges the evils of the land system. These are his words: "It has been found by experience that in consequence of combinations of purchasers and other causes, a very small quantity of the public lands, when sold at public auction, commands a higher price than the minimum rate established by law. The settlers on the public lands are, however, but rarely able to secure their homes and improvements at the public sales at that rate; because these combinations, by means of the capital they command, and their superior ability to purchase, render it impossible for the settler to compete with them in the market. By putting down all competition, these combinations of capitalists and speculators are usually enabled to purchase the lands, including the improvements of the settlers, at the minimum price of the Government, and either turn them out of their homes, or extort from them, according to their ability to pay, double or quadruple the amount paid for them to the Government. It is to the enterprise and perseverance of the hardy pioneers of the West, who penetrate the wilderness with their families, suffer the dangers, the privations and hardships attending the settlement of a new country, and prepare the way for the body of emigrants who, in the course of a few years, usually follow them, that we are, in a great degree, indebted for the rapid extension and aggrandizement of our country. Experience has proved that no portion of our population are more patriotic than the hardy and brave men of the frontier, or more ready to obey the call of their country, and to defend her rights and her honor, whenever and by whatever enemy assailed. They should be protected from the grasping speculator, and secured, at the minimum price of the public lands, in the humble homes which they have improved by their labor."* President Polk, if he were sincere, would see that a remedy was provided. Congress is with him. Greeley tells us, in his Tribune, that "The difficulty is not that the Public Lands are too dear, but that, cheap as they are, those who most need Lands cannot get them, while those who have no moral right to any may and do obtain Five Thousand to Fifty Thousand acres each. There are tens of thousands of worthy, willing citizens now in the New States, whose worldly goods are limited to a wife and three or four children, an axe and two or three hoes, a cow and a pig, with rude and scanty apparel, kitchen-ware, &c. These men have not and cannot raise the $200 required to buy 160 acres of Public Land; they think they cannot make it by hiring out or working other men's land on shares, and though we think they might, with health, frugality and good luck, we know the process is at best a difficult and tedious one." When shall we find such patriots (!) as Benton, Calhoun, Cass, Allen, Cambreleng and Polk, effectually interfering with this rascally system? There are thousands of citizens requesting Congress "that the further sale or granting of the PEOPLE'S LANDS may be immediately stopped; that portions of the lands may be laid out in Farms and Lots; and that any landless person may be allowed to take possession and live upon any one of the farms or lots so laid out, with the right to transier his or her possession to any person not possessed of other land." I am in favor of this plan, because it is a real remedy. A free people, thus settled in the west, would yield a rich return of prosperity, and their commerce would strengthen the older states, and be a new bond of union. I honor Messrs. Windt, Evans, Treadwell, Devyr, and their worthy comrades, for their perseverance in keeping this real remedy before the people; and deeply regret that Governor Wright and his advisers did not, at an early day, interpose their best efforts to redress the wrongs of the anti-renters. Had they done that many months ago, the state prisons would have had fewer tenants, and Messrs. Wright and Van Buren would not have found it necessary to object to a state convention on account of the agitated condition of the public mind. Horace Greeley thus sums up the principles of the friends of land reform: "The Reformers demand that all monopoly of and speculation in the Lands yet Public shall be stopped, henceforth and for ever. They do not ask merely that landless men of to-day shall be provided with a Home, but that the best possible provision shall be made for future generations also. Now this proposal to give every landless man 160 acres of Public Land outright, and leave all the lands subject to unlimited speculation and monopoly, would, if successful, afford a little present gratification and possibly relief at the expense of infinite miseries and privation in future. Nearly all the Landless are needy; many of them are improvident; not a few are dissipated. To offer each a quarter section of Public Land as a free gift, with liberty to sell the fee simple to any one, would be simply enabling the speculator to obtain at second-hand for a few dollars what now costs him hundreds, and thus to monopolize Counties instead of Townships. All this ground has been gone over once in the case of Military Bounty Lands, which cost the soldiers an ample consideration in fatigue, privation and blood, and were in good part sold by them for a twentieth part of their value. Ten years after they were granted or drawn, not one of the soldiers in ten held an acre of these landsprobably few of them held any at all. To give everybody who chooses a quarter section outright of the National Domain, with liberty to dispose of it and come again, is in effect to squander that great Inheritance more wastefully than hitherto," THE LETTERS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF MARTIN VAN BUREN, AND HIS FRIENDS, FAMILY AND PUPILS. The compiler has made use of CAPITALS, SMALL CAPITALS, and italics, to draw the reader's attention to particular words or passages in this correspondence, where the manuscript was not so marked-and where the originals were thus distinguished, he has copied them literally. [No. 1.] Butler to Hoyt.-Pender-Politics-Principle. SANDY HILL, March 17th, 1819. To J. HOYT, Albany.-Dear friend: The stage to-day was looked for with great anxiety by all the members of my household, as we entertained strong hopes that Pender, the black damsel, would make her appearance on the "Hill" (as the citizens denominate this great metropolis.) I presume, however, that she is either not to be had, or at least had not arrived at Albany when the stage left. I wish you to call at Levis the Barber's, Lodge street, and inquire whether any thing has been heard of her, or of the letter that was written her. And if she should present herself, pray lose no time in sending her on as speedily as possible. I see that nothing of importance was done by the Council-neither Judge nor Attorney Gene. ral hazarded. I suppose you are over head and ears in the ocean of political controversy, and I thought when I was with you last week that it would give me some pleasure to lend a hand in the warfare; but upon better reflection, I think myself as well off where I am. Leaving to other and more ambitious spirits the guidance of the storms of party, I can look on, if not with perfect indifference, at least with calm security. For the prosperity of the old Republican Party, and of my friends and patrons-FOR THE SUCCESS OF PRINCIPLE AND THE OVERTHROW OF INTRIGUE AND CORRUPTION, my wishes will be ardent and sincere, but the situa. tion in which I am placed will prevent me from conveying them so fully into action, as, under other circumstances, I should probably do. I have nothing to gain, and would lose much by becoming an active partizan. Charles will leave here on Friday or Saturday. Mrs. Butler and her sister are in good health and spirits, and as well pleased as gloomy weather and poor help will allow them to be. I have been here a fortnight, and have not yet received a line from you. Pray write me, if it is only to say that you are in esse. Yours truly, BENJ. F. BUTLER. [In another handwriting.]—Mr. Hoyt do try to get Pender; I am tired to death of cooking. Politics-Providence-the Preaching of the Gospel at Sandy Hill-Salvation. [No. 2.] SANDY HILL March 27th, 1819. [To same.] Dear Friend: I have written no less than six letters already to go by Mr. Lathrop, and all of them pretty long ones; you may therefore suppose that I have bestowed about |