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nished by the figures we have extract- 7. That in 1821, British ships posed from official documents.

sessed considerably more than half of These facts are unassailable.

the trade with Denmark, and in 1826, 1. That the whole trade between they possessed considerably less than this country, and the Reciprocity ones one-third of it. In this trade, since we have named, has increased so much 1821, British tonnage has received an in the last six or seven years, that it increase of 17,338 tons, while Foreign employed nearly double the gross ton- has received an increase of 52,575 nage in the last, which it employed in tons: the increase in it is more than the first year of the series.

three times that in the British. 2. That the increase of tonnage has 8. That in 1821, British ships posbeen nearly all monopolised by fo- sessed more than two-thirds of the reigners. The glut, ruinous freights, trade with Prussia, and in 1826, they and demand for corn in the last year, did not possess one-half of it. Since did very little more than enable Bri- 1821, in this trade, British tonnage tish tonnage to remain stationary. has increased 25,405 tons, while for Notwithstanding the operation of reign has increased 78,369 tons. The these, British tonnage was only about increase in Foreign is more than three one-fifth more in 1826 than in 1821, times that in British. British tonwhile Foreign tonnage was more than nage fell off in this trade in the last trebled.

year

far more in proportion than Fo. 3. That in 1821, British ships pose reign. sessed nearly two-thirds of this trade, 9. That in 1821, British ships posand in 1826 Foreign ships possessed sessed more than ten-elevenths of the two-thirds of it, within 63,000 tons. trade with Germany; and in 1826, The increase in it of British tonnage 'they did not possess three-fifths of it. between 1822 and 1826 was only, in In this trade, since 1821, British tonround numbers, 26,000 tons; while the nage has increased 14,101 tons, while increase of Foreign shipping in the Foreign has increased 69,504 tons. The same period was 194,000 tons-nearly increase of Foreign has been nearly eight times greater.

five times that of the British. 4. That while the Reciprocity Trea- 10. That the falling off in Foreign ties were in full operation, British tonnage in 1826 was mainly occasione tonnage rapidly decreased, and Foreign ed, not by the competition of British increased yearly in the ratio of fifty ships, but by the diminished demand per cent, in this trade. If the opera. of this country for such articles as Fotion of these treaties had not been sus reign vessels had been employed to pender in the two last years by acci- bring; a revival of such demand must dental causes, little more than one restore to these vessels their employhalf of the British tonnage would have ment. been employed in it in the last year, 11. That the British ships employed which was employed in it six or eight in the trade with these countries in years ago.

1826, wereemployed at losing freights, 5. That in the years preceding 1823, which, if continued, would soon drive British shipping possessed one-half, them out of the trade altogether. and sometimes two-thirds, of the trade Mr Huskisson's arguments applied with Sweden. In 1824, it did not pos- to the whole Foreign trade; but he sess one-third, and in 1825, it did not purposely uses them to produce the possess one-fifth of it. In 1826, this belief, that, in the trade with each irade employed nearly three tons For country, British shipping has increase reign, to two tons British. Since 1821, ed more, and decreased less, than FoBritish shipping has declined almost reign. In respect of the real question, yearly in this trade, until it had fallen they do not touch it. from 22,392 tons to 11,709.

We will now look at the trade with 6. That in the trade with Norway another of the Reciprocity countriessince 1821, British shipping has fallen the Netherlands. This trade emfrom 12,151 to 7,834 tons—has de ployed in clined more than one-third ; while Foreign has risen from 50,376 to 73,588

Tons Foreign -has increased nearly one-half. In 1821, 71,428 43,944 1823, the latter was 99,688 tons; in 1822,

68,898 57,840 1824, it was 119,761 tons; and in 1823, 61,078 80,977 1825, it was 135,435 tons.

1824, 67,216 100,377

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1825, 87,405 110,937 triumph. Our shipping remained sta1826, 201,494 76,324tionary, while Foreign increased one

half. In this trade, while the treaties had In 1818, more British tonnage was real operation, British tonnage des employed than in 1826 ; in the last creased, and Foreign rapidly increased. year only 11,000 tons more were emIn the last year, from the glut and the ployed, than were employed in 1817. demand for corn, our ships, for the The tonnage of last year is only 37,000 moment, recovered their ground. They more than that of 1819. In 1818, the were the better enabled to do this, be importation of foreign corn was very cause the difference in cost and ex- large ; and in that year Foreign ton, penses is not so great between them nage rose greatly, because there was and the ships of the Netherlands, as more employment than British ships it is between them and the ships of could perform. If we strike that parPrussia, &c. Putting the last year out ticular year out of the series, Foreign of sight, and looking at what took tonpage, for several years after the place when trade and freights were in peace, remained stationary, while Bria a natural condition, our ships have tish increased considerably ; but since been almost yearly losing their rela the Navigation Laws were abolished, tive proportion of this trade.

British tonnage-excepting 1825_has The treaty with France has not yet remained stationary; while Foreign had any real operation.

has increased fifty per cent. ; in 1825 We will now glance at the trade the latter had doubled. with foreign countries as a whole. Upon the whole, then, these points

Mr Huskisson's return gives the are wholly untouched by Mr HuskisBritish and Foreign tonnage for the son. years between 1814 and 1826, both in- 1. That the ships of various of the clusive. We give it so far as regards Reciprocity countries can be built and the inward tonnage.

navigated at so cheap a rate, that Bri

tish ships cannot compete with them.

Tons Foreign. 2. That the protection which has 1814 696,691 545,546 been given to the members of every 1815 732,506 654,651 other interest-even to such as can 1816 724,880 311,284 undersell the rest of the world-has 1817 923,571 399,223 been wholly refused to the Shipowns 1818 1,052,368 697,161 1819 897,501 469,888 3. That in the trade with the five 1820 818,361 404,509 Reciprocity countries, Prussia, &c.,1821 775,486 362,584 a trade which employed, in 1825, 1822 855,589 415,868 825,020, and in 1826, 583,709 tons 1823

866,187 528,155 of shipping ; and which is likely to 1824 870,330 694,038 increase very largely and rapidly1825 1,171,063 892,058 the relative proportion of British ion1826 934,491 643,651 nage has decreased, and that of Fo

reign has increased, in an enormous The two first years, were the con- degree in late years. British ships, cluding years of the war, when our from possessing two-thirds, now posShipowners were to a great degree sess only one-third of it. British burdened with war charges, and when tonnage has increased in it but in a trithe carrying trade was in the most fling degree, from accidental and mounsettled condition. Under the old mentary causes; while Foreign ton. Navigation Laws, however, our shipsnage in it has been trebled by natuimmediately triumphed over the Fo- ral causes which must almost conreign ones; they increased, not be- stantly operate. cause trade increased, but because 4. That in this trade the British they took from the Foreign ones, one- Shipowner cannot take, without loss, third of their employment. In the first the rate of freight which the Foreign two years, they possessed little more one can afford to take. The inevitathan half of the trade; but for several ble consequence of this must be, that years afterwards, they possessed two- generally—that constantly, save in thirds of it. As soon as these laws times of scarcity, or glut, in shipping were abolished, Foreign ships began to British tonnage must decline, and

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9. That if Foreign shipping increase in this trade, as it has increased in late years, it must soon obtain the greater portion of it, and cause an alarming decrease in British shipping. It must so increase, according to probability, experience, and the laws of nature,

10. That the Shipowners are in the deepest distress-almost half their property has been swept away by the fall in the value of vessels-tonnage was only kept up in the last year at the point at which it had generally been for several preceding years, by losing freights and deficient cargoes-and were the present freights to continue, they would soon ruin the Shipowners.

11. That from the operation of the Reciprocity treaties, the glut in ships must continue, and freights must ne◄ ver rise to regular remunerating ones, until British ships are banished from the trade with the Reciprocity countries.

12. That the Shipowners have not brought their distress upon themselves, and that they are entirely destitute of the means of removing it.

These points, we say, are wholly untouched by Mr Huskisson. They stand upon official documents and actual experiment, and they are above controversy.

It was said in the House of Commons, that the Shipowners had no case. What we have said, will we think convince our countrymen, that they had a case, and one of the most pressing and irresistible description. În our next Number we shall examine the remainder of Mr Huskisson's pamphlet. We shall in it offer farther proofs that the Shipowners had a case we shall likewise prove that the country had a case in their hands, which it was the sacred duty of the House of Commons to investigate with the utmost promptitude and impartiality-and we shall, moreover, prove very decisively, that Mr Huskisson is himself, what he represents those to be, who have written against his measures.

Foreign must increase, until British ships be wholly expelled from the trade.

5. That in the trade with some of these countries, British shipping has in late years declined, while Foreign has greatly increased. In the trade with the whole, British shipping was declining, while Foreign was rapidly increasing, previously to the last two years. In these years, the decline of British was suspended by temporary causes, and in the natural course of things, it must continue.

6. That if Foreign tonnage increase, as upon the whole it has increased in late years, it will soon drive British entirely from this trade.

7. That the freights in this trade, necessarily determine the freights of the whole carrying trade, foreign, colonial, and home, speaking of it generally. If freights be higher in one trade than another, ships will be sent from the one to the other, and the new ships will be built for the best trade, until an equalization is pro duced. The losing freights in this trade produce losing freights in the whole carrying trade; and they must necessarily continue to do so-barring any occasional scarcity of shippinguntil British ships are wholly driven from the trade with these Reciprocity countries.

8. That after the peace, under the Navigation Laws, British shipping increased, and Foreign decreased in the whole trade with Foreign nations. British shipping soon acquired two-thirds of this trade; and for some years it retained this, and upon the whole in creased: Foreign, after sustaining a reduction of more than one-third, remained, upon the whole, for several years stationary. In the last five years, excepting 1825, and allowing for unimportant fluctuations, British tonnage has remained stationary in this trade, while Foreign has rapidly increased, until it has reached an increase of fifty per cent.

VOL. XXII.

C.

those more respectable advocates of emancipation, who did not go quite so far as to threaten absolute rebellion, yet held, that, on all grounds of good policy, an immediate concession of the Catholic claims was most imperiously necessary. At their head stood the right honourable Gentleman now at the head of the Government, concerning whose change of opinion he might venture to say a few words, were it not that the task has been already undertaken by a master hand"-Dr Phillpotts.

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It is true, as our author says, that the right honourable Gentleman now at the head of his Majesty's affairswhom he rightly calls "one of the more respectable advocates of emancipation,"-did not go quite so far as to threaten absolute rebellion. But although it is very kind and considerate to draw this fine line of distinction be tween Mr Canning and Mr O'Connell, -Mr Canning himself could hardly avail himself of it-for the difference is but small, in such a case, between threatening and hinting-prophesying and fearing rebellion. Now, what think the people of Ireland of the state of the Catholic Question? The “Government men," or Tories, who, we are told rightly, comprise the greater part of the landed proprietors and respectable gentry of the kingdom, do not disguise their fears that the Government, with its present supporters, will not be carried on upon "Lord Liverpool's principles." The Whig gentlemen, and the "agitators,” imagine that a great triumph has been achieved by their friends in England; and that the Government is no longer to be conducted upon Lord Liverpool's principles, but on theirs.

Now, it puzzles our enlightened, but unknown friend, to comprehend how the Whig Gentlemen of Ireland, or the Whigs and the Whig Press of England, should, under present circumstances, appear so extravagantly joyful. The Whig Gentlemen of Ireland, he imagines, must be carried away by their national impetuosity— belonging to a people who are more apt to yield to their feelings, than to inquire into the reason of them; and

THE REAL STATE OF IRELAND IN 1827.*

THE most excellent pamphlets, if left to themselves, have a slow and narrow circulation; and as this is a most excellent pamphlet, we shall not leave it to itself, but give it a quick and wide circulation in Maga. We shall abridge some of the best parts of it and when they won't readily abridge, we shall give extracts. Thus we shall be saved the trouble, during this hot weather, of composing an original article-we shall be showing our respect, and indeed admiration, of a writer to us unknown, and we shall be giving the public much information on a subject not well understood, "The Real State of Ireland."

The author observes, in a short and excellent preface, that he penned his pages when no idea was entertained of the recent extraordinary changes in the management of the government of these kingdoms. They were written at a time when it was the loud and bold assertion of a certain party, that one of two things the English government should speedily do-that they should either grant Catholic Emancipation, or undertake the suppression of a rebellion in Ireland, which would certainly be consequent upon its continued denial. With a facility of change, he adds, most marvellous and astonishing, the same party now maintain a directly opposite doctrine, and assert that they can go on extremely well for some time longer without emancipation-nay, that it would be quite contrary to their wishes that any attempt were made for some considerable time to obtain the very thing, the least delay of which, they maintained but a few weeks ago, was fraught with most imminent danger.

Our author here alludes to the most violent, insolent, and ferocious of the. Emancipators, and being a calm quiet man, he does not trouble himself with abusing the Gang. We please ourselves, however, with the conviction, that, calm and quiet man as he is, he will sympathise with our sentiments, when he sees us express, for all such hypocritical ruffians, the most unqualified contempt, disgust, and abhor

rence.

But he goes on to observe, that even

Murray, London.

as for the Whigs of England-such of them, that is to say, as have obtained office-why, it requires no Sphinx to propound the enigma-to give the solution, no Edipus.

But how have these few Whigs obtained office? Not surely, he says, by the triumph of the principles which for so long a time they have been advocating. To say that they had obtained office by the desertion of their principles, would perhaps be too harsh an expression; but undoubtedly they are in possession, on condition of supporting a Government, which distinctly says it will not adopt the policy which they for the last twenty years have been continually asserting that any Government worthy their confidence, and that of the country, should adopt. What triumph is there here? Ay, well may he or any other honest man put that question to himself or the world. Why, my dear sir, would it perhaps be too harsh an expression to say that the Whigs had obtained office by the desertion of their principles? Tierney, one of the ablest men in England, would laugh in your face at that "perhaps," and Brougham, and Mackintosh, and Abercromby, would smirk "their nods, and becks, and wreathed smiles," to hear you add, "there was always some amongst the Whigs clever enough to have obtained office had they chosen to become Tories, and something very like this they now profess to do." Not one of the four who has not already sacrificed any pretension to political principle, and who will not yet, if suffered to remain in or about office, set the world agape by still more astounding delinquencies.

Passing from the Preface, let us into the body of the pamphlet. Are all the seven millions of Irishmen, now idle for want of capital, but still busily employed in doubling the population in twenty years-are they, or are they not, the most miserable of mankind? That most respectably-connected man, Mr Wakefield, land-surveyor, and after him, that truly originalminded man, Mr M'Culloch, who, after having stolen everything he could strip off other writers, began pilfering from himself, maintain the universal misery of Irishmen. Ourselves, the Doctor, and all Trinity College, Dublin, lean towards the other extreme, that Pat is in Paradise. The author

of this pamphlet, being of the In-Me dio-tutissimus-ibis School of Poetry, Politics, and Philosophy, expresseth himself thus

"That a tolerably large sum of privation and distress does exist in Ireland, is indeed undeniable; but since I have resided in the country, and have become minutely acquainted with the facts, I have satisfied myself that the suffering, taken absolutely, is considerably less than has been generally supposed; that, compared with the hardships endured by the population of England, its excess is not so very great, and that this excess, such as it is, will gradually diminish till it vanish altogether, even without the aid of any new express enactments on the sub

ject. In saying this, I am not speaking of the beggars of the two countries, but of the general population. In England, paupers are a peculiarly favoured people, privileged by the laws to live at the expense of all who are possessed of property: in Ireland we have not yet arrived to such a pitch of refinement, and those who will give neither money nor labour in exchange for food, are obliged to trust to the savage virtues of hospitality and generosity, or to the uncontrolled influence of the Christian religion, for their preservation from dying of hunger; but this subject, however important in itself, is foreign to the present inquiry.

"I have heard men, who could talk on most subjects with an ordinary degree of sanity, assert, that the majority of the working classes in Ireland live, or rather starve, upon potatoes and water as their only means of sustenance; and that their only clothing consists of the coarsest rags, so torn that they are never taken off at night, because the owner must despair of again finding his way into them, should he at any time incautiously doff them from his person. These, and many such things, I heard, and partly I believed them; but now I know that these things are not true. The race of very small farmers (I do not mean in person, for they are com

monly tall varlets) is indeed much more

numerous here than in England, or than it is at all desirable it should be anywhere; but it very rarely happens that these men, holding as they do from six up to sixty acres of land, Irish measurement, fail to procure moderately good food and raiment wherewith they can be content. It is true, that very little money circulates among them; I myself have known repeated instances of twelve such farmers being unable to club together five pounds at a time when they earnestly desired to do so; nor is this sc

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