unless stopped. The great mass of the Russian people seem to be forming themselves into two groups, the one for, and the other opposed to organized government. Very few indeed of the educated class sympathized with the old régime, and welcomed the downfall of the dynasty, strong in the conviction that intelligent and patriotic men like Milyukov and Guchkov would be supported in the formation of a free and democratic government. But they had underestimated the ignorance of the people as a mass and the evil effects of the provocateurs, and when the crisis came the soldiers and workmen, instead of ranging themselves on the side of law and order, practically placed the Temporary Government under house arrest and disregarding the interests of the country and the perils to which it was subjected, initiated a régime of insubordination, anarchy, and persecution far greater than ever existed before, disintegrating instead of cooperating, destroying without constructing. One idea and one alone seems to possess them; namely, the plunging of the country into anarchy. This state of chaos is complicated by the lack of national patriotism. A Pole cares nothing for Russia. He is before all a Pole and in defense of Poland may and doubtless will do heroic deeds. The same is so with the Finns, the Lithuanians, the Bessarabians, the small [Little] Russians, Baltic Province Germans, Jews, Tatars, etc., etc. They are continually pulling against the National Government and fomenting class interests. The same is true to a great degree with the Russians proper. The workmen are not striving to build up a country. They are, first of all, caring for their own interests, and in doing so are willing to sacrifice country, honor and all. The same is true with the peasant and other social classes. Russia, as a nation, seems to occupy but little their thoughts. There are enclosed herewith a number of clippings (translations) from the local press which show the disturbed condition of the country. The articles are selected from the best writers of the most serious papers and reflect the state of anarchy into which the state is rapidly drifting. Especial attention is called to the last enclosure No. 11. From fear of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Party the press refused to give publicity to the article, but it was printed in pamphlet form and distributed around the streets in great numbers. Though fiery in its tone it outlines, nevertheless, the situation as it exists and prophesies the final result of a continuance on the part of the workmen and soldiers of their policy of disintegrating the nation for selfish purposes. In the above report on the conditions in this jurisdiction I have confined myself strictly to the causes and effects of the revolution. The political disturbances in Petrograd, the conduct of the workmen 'Not printed. and soldiers' deputies, the rise and fall of the cabinets in rapid succession, the speeches in the Duma, and the present position of the Temporary Government, have all been described by the Embassy and the Consulate in Petrograd, and to dwell on same would only be a duplication of work. The Consulate General will continue from time to time to advise the Department of the labor and other questions as they arise. The situation is serious and bids fair to grow worse. But little, if any, help can from now on be expected from the army, while on the other hand strikes and internal disorder may cause civil war. I have [etc.] File No. 861.00/367 MADDIN SUMMERS The Ambassador in Russia (Francis) to the Secretary of State [Telegram] PETROGRAD, May 19, 1917, 4 p. m. 1299. Situation assuming different phase daily, but withal clarifying. Navy been from the beginning most recalcitrant element. Baltic Fleet insubordinate and defiant. Black Sea Fleet which loyal, courageous, sent delegation here which held public meeting to-day in circus auditorium where thousands assembled and I attended but was only Ambassador present. Serbian, Rumanian Ministers there, but other missions represented, if at all, by subordinates. Representative of fleet made eloquent talk declaring against separate peace and favoring offensive warfare, which most enthusiastically received. I was given first loge and spoke. Said America had begun to assist Russia notwithstanding German efforts to produce impression that Russia negotiating separate peace, which America disbelieves. Stated furthermore that we cooperate with all fighting against Germany, greatest foe of democracy, and consider this a struggle for human rights. Also expressed hope that as internal dissensions adjusted by formation of coalition ministry and representation therein of creative forces of the revolution and the country, Russia would now present an unbroken front and wage an aggressive warfare. My remarks quite responsively received. Absolute quiet prevails in Petrograd and disturbances rare elsewhere. Kerensky as Minister of War has issued order directing all soldiers to return to their regiments and declaring that all who do not return by May 29 will be considered as deserters. FRANCIS File No. 861.00/375 The Ambassador in Russia (Francis) to the Secretary of State [Telegram] PETROGRAD, May 20, 1917, 8 p. m. 1303. To-day's papers report new Ministry meeting: support generally. The Pravda, organ of Leninists, however, more aggressive in opposition than was to former Ministry. Other socialistic organs cautiously advocate support of new Cabinet, even Maxim Gorky's organ, New Life, which was hardly less antagonistic to former Ministry than Leninists. These socialistic organs advise workmen's committee to continue existence as creative organ of revolution. Milyukov's organ, Rech, gives new Ministry guarded support and publishes reports of disturbances throughout country. Prince Lvov, president of Council of Ministers, interviewed, states that controlling force of country was becoming governing organ and thus necessitated reorganization of Ministry in order to give responsibility to real power and adds must be no talk of half confidence or half obedience to new Government, whose first aim is to reestablish strength of army. Says moreover that Ministry's declaration of peace without annexations or contributions does not mean only passive defense, and deplores present suspension of offensive which has given German Chancellor grounds for stating that separate peace with Russia is possible, to Russia's disgrace. Demands of Workmen-Soldiers' Deputies to know objects of war before resuming hostilities and learn provisions of existing treaties not surprising, as committee represents the real power which made possible consummation of revolution. "Annexations and contributions" easily confounded with restitution and indemnities, as I stated in speech yesterday, but such questions should be relegated to peace conference. Important to sustain new Ministry as it is most potential influence in repressing and preventing lawlessness which manifesting itself in some sections. FRANCIS File No. 763.72/4834 The Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs (Tereshchenko) to the Secretary of State [Telegram-Translation] PETROGRAD, May 21, 1917. In taking over the direction of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, I hasten to say to you how highly the whole Russian democracy is inspired with the sentiment of full solidarity with the great Republic which true to its traditions of liberty has espoused the cause of the coalition for the defense of justice and right. Like the United States, emancipated Russia is not seeking conquest or any covetous end in the present contest. The war is carried on to secure the freedom of nations and achieve universal lasting peace effectively guaranteed against all later attack. I am glad to find that those lofty principles which were so eloquently formulated in America are striking a warm unanimous echo in free Russia now mistress of her destinies. TERESHCHENKO File No. 763.72119/658 The Ambassador in Russia (Francis) to the Secretary of State No. 760 PETROGRAD, May 21, 1917. SIR: I have the honor to transmit herewith in duplicate a translation of a communiqué given to the Russian press under date of May 6/19, 1917, by Mr. Tereshchenko, recently appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Government. As I have previously reported by cable, Mr. Tereshchenko has only recently assumed this portfolio, having been transferred from the Ministry of Finance. This is the first declaration of his policy and, in view of the still unsettled condition of affairs, it is impossible for me to forecast what effect this enunciation may have upon public sentiment. In this connection and of possible assistance in appraising the class of Russian society which Mr. Tereshchenko represents, the Department may find of interest his biographical statement which I had the honor recently to transmit to the Department.' I have [etc.] DAVID R. FRANCIS [Enclosure-Translation] Statement issued to the Russian press by the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs (Tereshchenko), May 6/19, 1917 You ask what is my program? You can read it in the declaration of the new Provisional Government called to power by free Russia. This program is short, but significant; namely, the reestablishment as early as possible of universal peace a peace which aims neither at domination over other peoples, nor a seizure of their national patrimony, nor a taking by force of foreign territories, a peace without annexations or indemnities, based on the principle of the rights of peoples to dispose of themselves, a peace concluded in close and indissoluble union with the Allied democracies. Free Russia, like every country 'Not printed. which has made a great renovating revolution, is moved by two motives profoundly idealistic. The first is an aspiration to give a just peace to the entire world, not to injure any nation, not to create after the war a hatred, an estrangement which remains always when one nation comes forth from the struggle enriched at the expense of the other nations, when the latter are crushed and obliged to accept humiliating conditions of peace. We have seen a sad example of that in 1870. The wounds dealt to France by Germany remained open for forty-five years. The hope of the people of Alsace-Lorraine for a better future is not dead up to the present and they have now a right to hope for the realization of their ideal. Outrage and injustice are not forgotten, violence creates hatred. Liberated Russia does not wish that either for herself or for others. now. The second motive is the consciousness of its ties with the Allied democracies, consciousness of the duty which these ties have imposed on her. Revolutionary Russia cannot and ought not to break these ties sealed by blood; for her it is a question of revolutionary honor which is so much the more precious to her The great revolution which stirred the public ocean to its greatest depths could not but influence the army, which was unable to immediately accommodate itself to the suddenly changed state of affairs. At the same time the democracy of the west continued to accomplish with tenacity its warlike work which was for us a powerful aid. The Allied armies of whom the great mass is composed, as with us, of peasants and workmen, carried on without stopping the struggle against the enemy, diverting his strength and by their heroic effort are saving the Russian revolution from an external defeat. The success of the Russian revolution is also bought by their blood; it is with a sentiment of profound satisfaction that I must state that in free Russia in spite of a divergence of opinions of the democratic parties, there has not been a single party, a single organization, as there was in reactionary Russia, which would have made a propaganda for a separate peace. I know, however, that there exists a question capable of stirring the emotions of the numerous groups of the Russian democracy, that is the question of the treaties concluded by the old Russian régime. This question stirs up the passions. But I believe nevertheless that I ought to touch upon this question, expressing my entire and true opinion, for the Russian people has the right to expect and expects that the Provisional Government should only tell it the truth. The Russian democracy is afraid that bound by these old treaties it will be made to serve purposes of annexation which are foreign to it. This disturbs its revolutionary confidence, diminishes its spirit and enthusiasm. That is why demands for the immediate publication of all the treaties concluded by the old régime are being made. I think that in this case the sentiments which bring forth these demands are highly humanitarian, but I am convinced that the question is raised in an entirely erroneous manner and that should be understood by the Russian democracy. It ought absolutely to understand that in the name of the safety of the Russian revolution and the Allied democracies, the immediate publication of the treaties is equivalent to a rupture with the Allies and will result in the isolation of Russia. Such an act will necessarily bring on a separate situation and for Russia will be the beginning of a separate peace. But it is exactly this which the Russian people repudiates with all its force and not only by a feeling of honor. It understands that the international war can only be ended by an international peace. It is only this peace which could guarantee this justice, this right of the people to dispose of themselves which is ardently desired by liberated Russia. Other ways must be chosen, for new Russia must look for. |