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{COMMONS}

him the means; that he would do all he could to reform their Lordships' House, but that he despaired of accomplishing it; and that if they honoured him with the care of the ventilation of the New House, he could make it as perfect as the ventilation of the House of Commons. He (Lord Campbell), therefore, thought that it would be unfair to deprive him of the honour of carrying his promises into effect. The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE wished it to be distinctly understood that in voting for the Address to Her Majesty, he gave no definite judgment with respect to Dr. Reid. He should be sorry if, by that vote, he were to be regarded as pronouncing condemnation on Dr. Reid, even with respect to the imperfect ventilation of that House; for he distinctly remembered Dr. Reid stating that it would be impossible for him to render the ventilation of that House so perfect as he could wish; but the question for their Lordships to consider at present was, not what Dr. Reid's plans might ultimately prove to be, but what chance there was, within any assignable period, of their getting possession of the New House? And as their

object was to get into the New House, if possible, by next Session of Parliament, he thought that object could only be accomplished by agreeing to the Address which had been proposed.

LORD ASHBURTON said, it seemed clear to him that if their Lordships and the Government did not interfere, the discussions between Dr. Reid and Mr. Barry might become interminable, and their Lordships would never get into their new House at all.

EARL GREY concurred in thinking, that unless they agreed to this Address, it was problematical when they might get into the new House. At the same time, considering how complete had been Dr. Reid's success in the House of Commons, he (Earl Grey) was extremely sorry that it would be impossible, without great delay, to adopt Dr. Reid's plan in the first instance in the New House; but, though this was the case, it would not be impossible hereafter to adopt Dr. Reid's plan, if Mr. Barry's should be found unsatisfactory.

Motion agreed to.

THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF VAN
DIEMEN'S LAND.

LORD BROUGHAM wished to know from the Under Secretary for the Colonies,

Sites (Scotland) Bill. 1036 whether Mr. M'Dowall had been restored to the office of Attorney General for Van Diemen's Land?

LORD LYTTELTON replied that he had not, but that he had been appointed a Commissioner of Insolvency, an office which was inferior in emolument, but not in the respect which it commanded.

LORD STANLEY observed, that as well as his memory served him, Mr. M'Dowall's dismissal had been caused in consequence of the bad feeling that existed between that gentleman and the Solicitor General of Van Diemen's Land. This animosity had been carried to such an extent as to endanger the satisfactory prosecution of the public business. He had never heard that Mr. M'Dowall had been dismissed for any corrupt, illegal, or dishonourable conduct.

LORD BROUGHAM stated that he should move for the production of Lord J. Russell's despatch on Monday. House adjourned.

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PETITIONS PRESENTED. By Mr. Bouverie, from Members of the Free Church Congregation at Renfrew, complaining of the Refusal of Proprietors of Land to grant Sites for the Erection of Free Churches (Scotland), and praying that Means may be devised for enabling Congregations to rent or purchase Ground on Reasonable Conditions.By Viscount Clive, and Lord Henry Lennox, from several places, against the Union of the Sees of Saint Asaph and Bangor, but at the same time providing for the Immediate Appointment of a Bishop to the newly erected See of Manchester.-By Mr. Smollett, from Moderator and Remanent Members of the Synod of Lothian and Tweeddale, against the Abolition of Religious Tests in the Scottish Universities. By Lord Henry Lennox, from Guardians of the Westbourne Union, and by Viscount Morpeth, from Ratepayers of Snaith and South Crossland, against the Highways Bill.-From Minister and Members of the Remonstrant Presbyterian Congregation of Ballymoney, for the Total Abolition of Capital Punishment.

PLACES OF WORSHIP, &c. SITES

(SCOTLAND) BILL.

MR. F. MAULE said, that although he found he could not, with any prospect of advantage, attempt to proceed further with this Bill, he was happy to observe that its introduction had not been without good effect, for since the measure had been under the consideratien of the House, two noble Lords-the Earl of Cawdor and another had given sites for places of worship, and he hoped their example would be followed. He now moved that the Order of the Day for the Adjourned De

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THE OREGON TERRITORY.

LORD BROUGHAM: Seeing my noble Friend the Secretary for the Foreign Department in his place, I beg to put a question to him as to certain reports which have been put into circulation. I allude to reports of a most consolatory, and, I may add, most gratifying nature, which appear in the public prints of America and of this country, and which lead me to hope and trust, even in these times of false news, that the troublesome and in every respect disagreeable matter between us and the United States as to the Oregon territory and the boundary of that territory has been brought to an amicable conclusion, and to one which is honourable for both parties.

The EARL of ABERDEEN: My Lords, I have been occasionally questioned by noble Lords on the other side of the House, and especially by a noble Friend, a noble Earl whom I do not now see in his place (the Earl of Clarendon), as to the progress of our negotiations with the United States. These inquiries, I always felt, were directed to me in the most friendly and conciliatory manner. So far from feeling any embarrassment or impe

of the nego

way diment from them in the tiations, I have always felt that my noble Friend was desirous to assist in promoting an adjustment. Perhaps, on this occasion, I might have ventured, without the pressure of any direct interpellation, to enter into a few details as to that gratifying result, the substance of which only is as yet When I had last occasion to reknown.

ply to my noble Friend, the state of the negotiations was this-the President had sent his Message to the Senate with a direct refusal of our repeated proposals to submit the whole question to arbitration. That being the case, my Lords, I felt that nothing could be done at that moment till the Senate and House of Representatives should have taken some steps in consequence of that Message. I waited, therefore, the result of that communication so made by the President. When I saw that the Senate and the House of Representatives had adopted Resolutions of such a conciliatory and friendly description, I did not delay for a moment, putting aside all ideas of diplomatic etiquette, which might have led me to expect that some steps would be taken on the other side; but, without waiting a moment, I prepared the draught of a convention, which was sent by the packet of the 18th of May to Mr. Pakenham, to be proposed for the acceptance of the United States Government. I have brought with me a letter from Mr. Pakenham, which I received this morning, and from which I shall read an extract. The letter is dated the 13th of June; and Mr. Pakenham says

"In conformity with what I had the honour to state in my despatch No. 68, of the 7th instant, the President sent a Message on Wednesday last to the Senate, submitting for the opinion of that body the draught of a convention for the settlement of the Oregon question, which I was instructed by your Lordship's despatch No. 19, of the 18th of May, to propose for the acceptance After a few of the United States' Government. hours' deliberation on each of the three days, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, the Senate, by a majority of thirty-eight votes to twelve, adopted yesterday evening a Resolution advising the President to accept the terms proposed by Her Majesty's Government. The President did not hesitate to act on this advice; and Mr. Buchanan accordingly sent for me this morning, and informed me that the conditions offered by Her Majesty's Government were accepted by the Government of the United States, without the addition or alteration of a single word." Gratifying as this intelligence is, I feel it is but an act of duty and justice, as well as a pleasure, that I should bear the tribute of my testimony to the most

friendly and conciliatory course which has | ting from day to day, with the view of been adopted by the United States Minis- passing that measure; but that the conter in this country. That gentleman I sideration of measures which may become have long known, and long had reason to matter of controversy should be postponed esteem in official intercourse fifteen or six- till Her Majesty's servants shall be in your teen years ago; and I am perfectly cer- Lordships' House to attend to Her Matain, that, by every means in his power, jesty's service and to the transaction of he has contributed to this result. I am public affairs. well assured that there is no person in this House, or in the country, who more cordially participates in the feeling of satisfaction which it is fitted to produce than Mr. M'Lane.

[This proposal having met the general approval of the House, several notices were postponed.] House adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS,
Monday, June 29, 1846.

MINUTES.]

PUBLIC BILLS. -29. Commons Inclosure

RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. The DUKE of WELLINGTON: My Lords, I have to announce to your Lordships that Her Majesty's servants have tendered to Her Majesty their resignation of the offices which they held in Her Majesty's service; in consequence of which PETITIONS PRESENTED. By Colonel Paget, from Inhabit

Her Majesty has sent for a certain noble Lord, with a view to form another Administration, for the purpose of conducting the affairs of the Government of this country. My Lords, this information will probably induce your Lordships to think it would be desirable to suspend the discussion of measures which might become matters of controversy in this House, until those who are to have the honour of being Her Majesty's servants in public office should have an opportunity of forming their arrangements, and should be able to come down to this House and transact the public business. My Lords, there is one question fixed for consideration in this House on Thursday next. I see a noble Friend near me (the Earl of Powis), who has given notice of his intention to move the second reading of the Bangor and St. Asaph's Bill on Thursday next. I would submit to him the expediency of postponing his Motion for the second reading of that Bill till Her Majesty's servants shall be in the House to attend to the discussion which may be expected to take place upon it, as Her Majesty has an interest in that measure. My Lords, there are some measures which require your Lordships' immediate attention, and one of which, in all probability, will be on the Table of the House this day-I mean a short Sugar Bill, continuing the duties on sugar for one month, from the 5th of July next, which it is desirable should pass this House without delay, whoever may be Her Majesty's servants. Under these circumstances I rather advise that your Lordships should not adjourn, but continue sit

(No. 2).

3. and passed. Sugar Duties; Coroners (Ireland); Spitalfields New Street.

ants of Anglesey and its Neighbourhood, for the Adoption of Measures for promoting the Due Observance of the Lord's Day. By Viscount Clive, Mr. Du Pre, Mr. Fuller, and Mr. Charles Round, from a great number of places, against the Union of the Sees of Saint Asaph and Bangor, but at the same time providing for the Immediate Appointment of a Bishop to the newly erected See of Manchester.-By Mr. Du Pre, from Guardians of the Poor of the Winslow Union, praying that Owners of Small Tenements may be rated to the Poor Rates in lieu of Occupiers. By Viscount Sandon, from the Liverpool Academy of Arts, in favour of the Art Unions Bill.-By Mr. Du Pre, from Attorneys and Solicitors practising in the County of Buckingham, for Removal of Courts of Law and Equity to Inns of Court.-By Viscount Sandon, from Liverpool, for Inquiry into the Treatment of Criminal Offenders.-By Mr. M'Carthy, from Fishermen, Seamen, and other Inhabitants of the Port and Town of Dungarvan and Abbeyside, for Alteration of Law respecting Fisheries (Ireland).-By Sir William Somerville, from Tallow Chandlers of the City of Dublin, against the Abolition of the Minor Guilds of Dublin, and praying for a full and free Inquiry.-By Mr. Sotheron, from Occupiers of Land in the Parish of Erchfont, for permitting the Destruction of Hares and Rabbits.-By several hon. Members, from various places, against the Highways Bill.By Mr. Sotheron, from Ratepayers of the Parish of Highworth, for Alteration of the Poor Removal Bill.

RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY.

SIR ROBERT PEEL: Mr. Speaker, I feel it to be my duty to avail myself of the earliest opportunity of notifying to this House, that in consequence of the position of Her Majesty's Government, and especially in consequence of the vote to which the House came on the night of Thursday last, refusing to give to Her Majesty's servants those powers which they deemed necessary for the repression of outrage and the protection of life in Ireland, they have felt it to be their duty to tender their resignation to a gracious Sovereign. The resolution to tender that resignation was unanimously agreed to by Her Majesty's servants, and adopted without hesita

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public interest that a Government should remain in office when it is unable to give practical effect to the measures it believes necessary for the national welfare; and I certainly do not think it probable, in the position in which Her Majesty's Government were placed by the withdrawal-perhaps the natural withdrawal of the confidence of many of those who heretofore had given it support, that even if the late vote had been in our favour, Ministers would have been able with credit to themselves, and with advantage to the interests of the country, to conduct the administration of public affairs.

tion. If I had any complaint to prefer | ferance or through, the mere evasion of with respect to the course pursued by Parliamentary difficulties. It is not for the the House, this is not the occasion on which I would make it. It is impossible not to feel that the occasion of a complete change in the councils of a vast Empire, affecting, for weal or for wo, many millions of the Queen's subjects in nearly all parts of the habitable globe, is an important, I might almost say, a solemn occasion. It is not upon such an occasion that one word ought to be uttered by a Minister of the Crown, acting in homage to constitutional principles, that can by possibility provoke party controversy. Such controversy would be wholly unsuited to the magnitude of the occasion; and, I must add, that to provoke any such controversy would be entirely at variance with the personal feelings which influence me in addressing this House. Those feelings would rather prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude the many occasions on which, speaking of the great body of the Gentlemen who sit on this side of the House, they have given to my Colleagues and myself, at a period antecedent to the present Session, their generous and cordial support. They would prompt me also to acknowledge with gratitude the disinterested aid which we have not unfrequently received from Gentlemen opposite, in oblivion of party differences. I trust, therefore, that nothing will escape from me in explaining the course Her Majesty's Government have thought it their duty to pursue, that can run the risk of provoking the controversy which I depre

cate.

Her Majesty, Sir, has been graciously pleased to accept our tender of resignation, and Her servants now only hold their offices until their successors shall have been appointed. I said, Sir, that if I had complaints to prefer, this is not the occasion on which I would prefer them. But I have no complaints to make. I did not propose the measures connected with the commercial policy of the Empire, which have been so severely contested, without foreseeing the great probability that, whether those measures should succeed or fail, they must cause the dissolution of the Government which introduced them. And, therefore, I rather rejoice that Her Majesty's Ministers have been relieved from all difficulty, by an early and unambiguous decision of the House of Commons; for I do not hesitate to say, that even if that decision had been in our favour on the particular vote, I would not have consented to hold office upon suf

We have advised Her Majesty to accept our resignation at once, without adopting that alternative to which we might have resorted, namely, recommending to the Crown the exercise of its prerogative, and the dissolution of the present Parliament. I do not hesitate to avow, speaking with a frankness that I trust will offend no one, that if Her Majesty's Government had failed in carrying, in all their integrity, the main measures of commercial policy which it was my duty to recommend, that there is no exertion that I would not have made-no sacrifice that I would not have incurred-in order, to ensure the ultimate success of those measures, or at any rate to give the country an opportunity of pronouncing its opinion on the subject. For such a purpose, I should have felt justified in advising dissolution; because I think the continuance of doubt and uncertainty on such important matters, would have been a greater evil than the resort to a constitutional mode of ascertaining the opinion of the nation. But there has been fortunately no necessity for a dissolution of Parliament upon that ground. Those who dissented most strongly from our commercial policy, withdrew all factious and unseemly opposition, and, protesting against our measures, they have finally allowed them to pass. Those measures having thus become the law, I do not feel that we should be justified, for any subordinate considerations, for the mere interests of Government or party, in advising the exercise of the prerogative to which I have referred, and the dissolution of Parliament. I feel very strongly that no Administration is justified in advising the exercise of that prerogative unless there be a reasonable presumption, a strong moral conviction indeed, that after dissolution

they would be enabled to administer the affairs of the country through the support of a party sufficiently powerful to carry their measures. I do not think a dissolution justifiable for the purpose merely of strengthening a party. The power of dissolution is a great instrument in the hands of the Crown; and it would have a tendency to blunt the instrument if it were employed without grave necessity. If the purpose were to enable the country to decide whether Ministers had been justified in proposing the measures of commercial policy brought forward at the beginning of the Session, those measures having passed into a law, I do not think such a purpose alone would be a sufficient ground for à dissolution. There ought also to be a strong presumption that, after a new election there would be returned to this House a party with strength sufficient to enable the Government, by their support, to carry on that system of public policy of which it approved. I do not mean a support founded upon mere temporary sympathy, or a support founded upon concurrence in one great question of domestic policy, however important. We ought not, in my opinion, to dissolve without a full assurance that we should have the support of a powerful party united with us by accordance in general views and principles of government. In the present state and divisions of party, and after all that has occurred, I do not entertain a confident hope that a dissolution would give us that support. I think, too, that after the excitement that has taken place-after the stagnation of trade that has necessarily followed our protracted discussions on the Corn Laws and the Tariff, it is not an advantageous period for a dissolution, but that the country should be allowed an interval of tranquillity and repose. We have, therefore, on these several grounds preferred instant resignation to the alternative of dissolution.

The question on which we were defeated, was one connected with Ireland. I should, indeed, deeply lament that defeat, if it could be thought that the measure we proposed for the repression of outrage in Ireland was an indication that Her Majesty's servants held any opinion in regard to the policy to be pursued towards that country different from that which I declared towards the close of the last Session. To the opinions I then avowed-opinions which had practical effect given to them by the measures we proposed-by such measures, for example, as the Charitable Bequests

Act, and by the vote for the enlarged endowment of the College of Maynooth-I now profess my entire and unqualified adherence. We brought forward the measure against which the House has recently decided, not under the belief that resistance to the contagious spread of crime, and a vigorous repression by law of offences disgracing some parts of the country, were in themselves calculated permanently to improve the social condition of Ireland: but we thought that the restoration and maintenance of order were necessary preliminaries to the success of ulterior legislation for the improvement of the condition of the people. The House, however, has decided otherwise, and I am not about to arraign that decision. I only deprecate the inference that, because we proposed that Bill, which some called a measure of coercion, but which we considered a measure necessary for the protection of life, our views in regard to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland have undergone a change. Speaking for myself, I do not hesitate to avow the opinion, that there ought to be established a complete equality of municipal, civil, and political rights, as between Ireland and Great Britain. By complete equality I do not mean-because I know that is impossible-a technical and literal equality in every particular respect. In these matters, as in matters of more sacred import, it may be that "the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life;" and I speak of the spirit and not of the letter in which our legislation, in regard to franchise and privilege, ought to be conducted. My meaning is, that there should be a real and substantial equality of political and civil rights, so that no person, viewing Ireland with an unbiassed eye, and comparing the civil franchises of Ireland with those of England or of Scotland, shall be able to say with truth, that a different rule has been adopted towards Ireland, and that on account of hostility or suspicion or distrust, civil freedom is there curtailed and mutilated. That is what I mean by equality in legislating for Ireland in respect to civil franchise and political rights.

With regard to the Executive Administration in Ireland, I think the favour of the Crown ought to be bestowed, and the confidence of the Crown reposed, without reference to religious distinctions. It may appear that we have not practically acted on that principle; but it is not because we repudiate it or deny its justice. When

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