Wood, Col. T. Allix, J. P. TELLERS. Hume, J. List of the NOES. Estcourt, T. G. B. Hussey, T. Lygon, hon. Gen. TELLERS. O'Brien, S. the subject, and detailing the abuses that | Vane, Lord H. existed. He had not brought in the Bill without mature consideration; and his only object in doing so was to have the moneys belonging to such charities expended according to the wishes of the donors. Nineteen years ago, he proposed a Motion, calling on the trustees of turnpike roads to render an annual account of their expenditure, and he thought he should have been eaten up in consequence; but when the returns were made, and those trusts were placed under better supervision, hon. Members who then opposed him admitted the advantage of the Motion; and if it had been carried out to a greater extent, the on the Books and Engravings Act, to endebts of those trusts would have been re-able him to introduce a Bill to carry out duced very considerably. He should perthe convention with Prussia. sist in pressing the second reading; and if it could be shown that any parts of the Bill were extremely objectionable, he should feel happy to amend them. As to Dissenting chapels they were not included. That the House should have some account of charitable trusts, was a matter so clear as to admit of no objection. LORD G. SOMERSET would vote for the second reading of the Bill, though he thought great alterations must be made in it. He thought some investigation might conduce to the public benefit, but he protested against being precluded by his present vote from opposing the Bill if it should not be amended, so as to omit all the great religious and ecclesiastical bodies connected with the Church, the universities, or the Dissenters, whether Wesleyans, Roman Catholics, or Independents. BOOKS AND ENGRAVINGS. SIR G. CLERK moved the Committee House in Committee. Convention presented June 22, referred to. MR. HUME complained of the heavy duty on printed books coming from India. It was so heavy as almost to preclude the receipt of the most valuable information from that invaluable country. Now that the Colonies were being brought so close to the mother country, it was necessary that every facility should be given to the people of this country to get such accurate information as could only be obtained from the Colonies themselves at as cheap a rate as possible. MR. PARKER said, it would hardly be fair to clog the Bill of the right hon. Baronet with that question. It was one of much importance, and it would receive the early attention of Her Hajesty's servants. The following Resolution "That it is expedient to make provision for reducing the Duties of Customs on the importation Majo-ings, in conformity with Treaties with Foreign into the United Kingdom of Books and Engrav The House divided on the Question, that the word now" stand part of the Question:-Ayes 42; Noes 12: rity 30. Powers" was agreed to. House resumed. Resolution to be reported. House adjourned at half-past two o'clock. Abolition of Capital Punishments.-From Guardians of the Caistor Union, for the Adoption of a Measure making the Landlords of Tenements where the Rents are under £6 liable to the Poor Rates. THE PROTEST AGAINST THE CORN IMPORTATION BILL. The EARL of RADNOR wished to call the attention of their Lordships to a question which he conceived to be of some importance. He alluded to the Protest of certain noble Lords against the third reading of the Corn Importation Bill. That protest was signed by ninety-three Peers; now, he (the Earl of Radnor) always understood that those Peers only who were present at the time of putting the question could enter their Protest; and that was a salutary rule. He (the Earl of Radnor) was present when the question was put, and he denied that more than one third of the Peers who had signed the Protest were present. It appeared, on an examination of the Journals of the House, that ten or twelve Peers had put their names to the Protest against the third reading of the Corn Importation Bill, who were not in the House during any part of the discussion of that measure. He (the Earl of Radnor) was not desirous that any Peer who wished to have his name handed down to posterity as professing the opinions expressed in that Protest, should be deprived of that honour; but he thought that, under the circumstances he had stated, it was a matter for their Lordships' consideration, and he would leave the House to deal with it as it thought proper. He found, on comparing the number of Peers in attendance on the discussion of the Bill, with the number of names affixed to the Protest, that the names of ten or twelve Peers who were not present at the time were appended to that Protest. Now, if their Lordships over looked the first objection, he hardly thought they would overlook the second, because the inference would be that any Peer at any time, whether he took part in the discussion or not, might come down and protest against it, even although his arguments and reasons had been refuted in the course of the debate. LORD BROUGHAM conceived that his noble Friend had done a great service by calling their Lordships' attention to this irregularity, which he had no doubt was unintentional, and arose from those noble Lords not having attended to the rule of the House. The rule was, undoubtedly, that no person in that Parliament who was not present could protest. It was not so in the Irish Parliament; for in the Irish Parliament they could vote by proxy and protest by proxy. ANNUITIES TO VISCOUNT HARDINGE AND LORD GOUGH. The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE moved the Order of the Day for bringing up the Report on the Annuity Bill for Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough. He thought it his duty to call their Lordships' attention to the report, with the view of inducing their Lordships to restore these Bills to the form in which they were originally framed when they were introduced into that House. In doing so, he could not sufficiently express his regret that it should be his misfortune, on the first occasion he had to address their Lordships from that place, to do so for the purpose of inducing their Lordships to adopt a course of proceeding which in appearance, however unjustly-but in appearancemight (after he himself had recently pronounced in the strongest terms the sense of gratitude which he felt to be due to Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough for their eminent services) be held to place a lower value on the great services of those distinguished individuals not than Her Majesty's late Government did; for he was only about to propose to restore the Bill to the form in which they introduced it—not than the other House of Parliament did; for that was the form adopted by the other House of Parliament, and it was sent up in that state to their Lordships-but a lower value in appearance than that which was placed upon them by a great number of their Lordships in that House, including a number of noble Friends of his, who, when this Bill was in Committee before their Lordships, had induced their Lordships to adopt an Amendment, which was the immediate subject for their Lordships' consideration on this occasion. Whatever might be the sense which he entertained of those services, he felt that their Lordships had a duty to perform towards the public. He felt also that their Lordships had a policy to adhere to with reference to the other House of Parliament; and both on the principles of duty and of policy, he was bound to recommend their Lordships to restore to the report the words which were omitted. In doing so, he begged to recall their Lordships' attention to the grounds upon which the provision intended to be made by this Bill was proposed; and in stating that to be the -for no services, however splendid, had a provision been annexed to the dignity of the Peerage, whether conferred in the first instance, or consisting of promotion in the Peerage, larger in amount than the sum which was by this Bill, as first introduced, awarded to Viscount Hardinge; and a provision to the amount of 3,000l. a year was provided by the same Bill for Lord Gough. He confessed he was under the impression if this Bill had been introduced, providing that this amount of-he would not call it remuneration - but that this amount of provision should be granted to enable these noble individuals to maintain the dignity of the Peerage; neither in that or the other House of Parliament anything like an objection would have been stated, either as to the deficiency of the amount, or to the mode in which it was brought before Parliament. But it was owing to the circumstances that in the provision now proposed, the name of the East India Company had been introduced, because the provisions made in the Bill were made in a certain degree conditional on the continuance of annuities granted by the East India Company, the objection was raised; and certain noble Lords thought they ought to have left entirely out of their consideration the provision made by the East India Company. But he (the Marquess of Lansdowne) must say he thought that feeling had arisen from a total misapprehension of what the East India Company was; for the East India Company, acting in that ground, he was only stating that which he himself long before this question arose before their Lordships in this particular case, had stated to be his opinion, as the ground on which a provision of this nature was made, namely, the distinct ground that it was not made as a pecuniary recompense, or made to mete or dole out a particular amount of money for the services rendered; but that it arose out of the knowledge that Her Majesty had been pleased to confer certain dignities on eminent individuals who might derive certain pecuniary rewards from professional emoluments; but when placed in that House it was the duty of that House, as it was the duty of the other House of Parliament, to place them in a situation corresponding with the dignity which, with the approbation of the Legislature of the country, it had pleased the Sovereign to confer upon them. He was proud to state, looking to the substance of this Bill-the particular wording of it he was not bound to explain-but, looking to the substance of this Bill, he was proud to say that it did confer that amount of provision on those distinguished persons as it was originally introduced to their Lordships, as from the general sense entertained upon this subject, and from Parliamentary precedents presenting the most distinguished examples, was adequate to enable them to maintain a rank so high as that which had been conferred upon them. In various cases to which he had referred upon this subject, it appeared that a provision inferior to that which was pro-way and in that capacity, could be viewed posed by this Bill, had been awarded by only as part of the State. The dominions Parliament. In the case, to which he was of Her Majesty in the East were, in fact, compelled to allude, of a noble Duke a Mem- governed by a double sovereignty, but comber of that House, when he was created a posing only one sovereignty altogetherViscount for the distinguished services ren- the East India Company only acted under dered by him in Spain, at the battle of the Sovereign of this country. It acted Talavera, and during his subsequent ser- under the authority of the Sovereign of vices in that campaign, it was thought ex- this country, and was not permitted to act pedient by Parliament to vote to him a pen- except under that authority; and when sion or annuity of 2,000l. a year. When, they considered the amount of this prosubsequently, for additional services two or vision, they could not consider it otherwise three years afterwards, he was in the pro- than as made by the sovereign authority gress of his glorious career created an Earl, of this country, composed of that Sovereign, an additional 2,000l. was voted to him, who had a reversionary interest in the gomaking both together less than the sum vernment of India, and the East India voted by the present Bill, as originally in- Company, which had the temporary gotroduced, as an annuity for Viscount Har-vernment of the country. And how could dinge. There were other examples which he might quote; but he did not think it necessary to proceed beyond that, as it was the most remarkable to which he could allude; but he would say generally that upon no occasion, however remarkable the simple fact of the power of the Sovereign of this country having been delegated to any person, form any ground of difference in any provision to be annexed to any dignity for services performed in that country? An annuity had been given to Sir John Colborne (Lord Seaton) for | jesty's late Government, was ample enough services performed in Canada: now, sup- for the purpose intended; but even if any pose the country had been placed under noble Lord in that House entertained a the government of the North West Com- different opinion, and thought that a larger pany for ten, twenty, or thirty years, did sum should be given for the support of a any person think that therefore the North particular dignity than had been given at West Company had also a right to provide any former period, he submitted to their for him; and could it be said that the Lordships to consider the policy and disamount of compensation should be double, cretion of entering upon the subject and to enable Sir John Colborne to maintain engaging in a controversy with the other his dignity in that House? The view House of Parliament, which had at all which he had submitted to the House had times claimed the peculiar right of voting been the view constantly taken by Parlia- the public money. That House would, ment on the subject; and whenever the certainly on this occasion, as far as could East India Company, acting by the permis- be anticipated, and as far as he was ension-and it could only act by the permission abled to state what he knew to be the of the Crown, and when authorized by the opinion of leading individuals at both Board of Control, acting for the Crown, sides of the House, not adopt this amended had been empowered to grant pensions or Bill if it were sent down by their Lordrewards, that House had constantly con- ships, but would either do that which their sidered those rewards as making part of Lordships would most of all deprecate, the rewards of the State; and almost in namely, pass no Bill at all, or send up every instance where the East India Com- another Bill containing the provision which pany had made a provision, the Parlia- their Lordships had omitted. He did say ment had made no provision at all. He that of all points on which it was the least had reports of numerous instances of that expedient for that House to enter into a kind, including the distinguished name of difference of opinion, not only with Her the Marquess of Cornwallis, of whom he Majesty's late Government, but with the could speak with the most unfeigned re- present Government and the other House spect, having known him early in life, and of Parliament, both concurring in opinthe late Lord Wellesley. Parliament had ion on this subject, it was the case of undoubtedly recognised the services of a vote of money to be raised upon the those eminent men; but though they felt people of the country. If they sent down they were entitled to the gratitude of the that Bill containing this Amendment, or Legislature, they forbore to vote one shil- rather with this clause omitted, they would, ling to those individuals, because the Com- in fact, be sending down a money plan, pany, which represented the Sovereign, proposed by them to be adopted by the had voted large sums of money for that other House. The consequences would be, purpose. The only way in which this Bill that it would end not only in the rejection differed from other Bills was, that in ad- of the proposition, but lead to an increase dition to the provision made by the East of jealousy on the part of the other House India Company for Lords Hardinge and in reference to such questions. The asserGough, to the extent of 5,000l. in one tion of peculiar privileges by the other case, and 2,000l. in the other case, it pro- House had sometimes been carried so far vided that if the East India Company as almost to deprive their Lordships of a should cease to exist, and the authority of voice in the settlement of great questions Parliament should supervene, the 5,000l. of policy; yet he never had any doubt as and 2,000l. a year shall accrue due under to the propriety of the privilege which rethe circumstances in the Bill stated. What served to the representatives of the people distinguished this case was, that not only the power of determining to what amount a large provision was made by the East the public should be taxed, and to what India Company, but Parliament protected amount those taxes should be appropriated the parties intended to be benefited and to for specific purposes. Before he sat down, be supported in that dignity against any he had a task to perform, which was a duty contingent disadvantage that might arise far more pleasing to him than to have subto them from having received that pro- mitted any of the arguments he had venvision from a temporary body, the existence tured to lay before their Lordships to inof which could not be guaranteed beyond duce them to reject the Amendment. a certain period. He thought the provision that day, before he came down to the he had stated, as introduced by Her Ma- House, he had received a letter from a dis On of the other House of Parliament, of their Lordships, and with the assent of the whole community. The DUKE of RICHMOND declared that in opposing the Motion, he had not the slightest intention of throwing any difficulty in the way of the noble Marquess and his Colleagues: his opinion remained as it had tend to alter his vote on the subject. The noble Marquess stated that Lady Hardinge had written to him, hoping the question would not come before the House. If he (the Duke of Richmond) had proposed this clause (No. 3) from any desire to give any private individual a larger annuity, or to assist Lord or Lady Hardinge, then indeed he might have withdrawn it in consequence of that letter. But he took it as a matter of public principle. He believed there was no man without or within the walls of Parliament who would not admit that the country owed a deep debt of gratitude to its tinguished lady-no less distinguished by being connected by marriage with the eminent person who was the subject of this communication (Viscount Hardinge), than by her own descent from a great family. He had received a letter from that lady Lady Emily Hardinge, now Viscountess Hardinge, saying she thought it right to communicate to him (the Marquess of Lans-been six weeks ago, and he did not indowne), and to authorize him to repeat that communication where he pleased, that she and the family of Viscount Hardinge, having considered the state of this case, felt a deep anxiety that upon this subject there should be no difference of opinion, and, above all, they were anxious that a difference of opinion should not arise upon pecuniary grounds; and they desired distinctly to state, as representing Lord Hardinge, that they felt confident that would be his feeling; and on his behalf they declared they were perfectly satisfied with the amount of the provision made, and with the manner in which the provision was made by the Bill armies. Their troops underwent greater introduced into that House. Their Lord-privations than any in the world; they were ships would recollect that this communication proceeded from a lady, who was the grand-daughter of the first Lord Camden, the most constitutional lawyer that this country ever produced, and who, for his services to the public and to the Constitution, at a time when Lord Chancellors were not provided for on their retirement as at present, received in acknowledgment for his great services a large reward from the Crown, consisting of a per centage on the Exchequer; and they should recollect that the same lady was also the niece of the second Lord Camden, who had the magnanimity (when it was found that that reward in its proportions far exceeded the amount which had been contemplated at the time it had been conferred)—had the magnanimity to relinquish all or the greater part of that reward, and to repay it into the public Exchequer. He said, when they recollected these circumstances, they could not be surprised that that lady, so connected and descended, should have made a communication which did her so great honour, and was of so disinterested a character. He felt it his duty to ask their Lordships to rescind their former vote. He should be the last to impugn the honourable and generous motives which induced their Lordships to adopt that vote; but he trusted their Lordships would concur with him in the course he proposed, so that the measure should be adopted by the Legislature with the unanimous concurrence of the Crown, longer absent from their native land; they were quartered in very bad barracks; they had always distinguished themselves by their good discipline, bravery, and perseverance, when the enemies of their country were brought before them. He regarded this annuity as a reward to the army; and he would ask their Lordships if there were many prizes in the lottery of a soldier's life? When the subject was discussed in another place, it was said such rewards should not be given to soldiers, because, forsooth, civilians did not get so much. He could not place in the same scale the services of persons residing in Downingstreet, and of those who, by their firmness when commanding abroad, maintained the honour and the interests of their country. Had Lords Gough and Hardinge failed, the British Empire in India would have been shaken to its centre. Then the noble Marquess stated that these grants were for maintaining the dignity conferred by the Crown. The preamble of the Bill contradicted that statement; and the very provision which was made proved that it was a reward for military service. The noble Marquess had referred to the grants which were given when the noble and gallant Duke (the Duke of Wellington) was made a Viscount and an Earl. But was any deduction made from the noble Duke's grants when he received grants from other and Foreign Powers? If the grants to the noble Duke had been quadrupled, the debt |