that the object of these Acts was to keep
up the rent of land. This was not so
openly confessed at present; but there
could be little doubt that protection was
desired for that purpose.
Then came

food raised, but a tax was laid upon the people for the advantage of the owners of land. Under this system, exportation, of course, took place to a large extent. Between six and seven millions of money was paid in the shape of bounties, and upwards of 2,000,000 quarters of wheat exported. Owing, he presumed, to the increase in the population, in 1750 exportation began to decrease, and from that period it went on constantly diminishing until we became an importing country, and as such we had gone gradually increasing up to the present time. One would imagine, to hear the arguments on the other side of the House, that the natural state was a state of restriction, and that commercial freedom was a mere experiment, whereas it was just the very reverse of this. The Corn Laws were an experiment, and the natural state was a state of freedom. It was Paine, he believed, who, in one of his publications, speaking of the plan of a sinking fund for paying the national debt, said it was like a man with a wooden leg running after a hare-the faster he ran, the wider they were apart. And so it was with pro

how was it that we had competed successfully against the low wages and low living of Ireland? He had never heard that question answered, or any explanation how it was that we could not compete with a country thirteen days' sail from us, when the system of bounties upon exportawe competed successfully with a country tion in the reign of William and Mary, thirteen hours' sail from us, in precisely by which the gross injustice was persimilar circumstances of fertility, cheap-petrated, that not only was the price of ness of labour, and lowness of food. Appeals had been made to the antiquity of the Corn Laws; and their Lordships had been warned to adhere to the wisdom of their ancestors with respect to them. Now it was true that this country had had Corn Laws since the reign of King John; but every one of these laws, with the exception of one, the 3rd Edward IV., cap. 2, which the noble Lord (Lord Stanley) referred to in the late debate, up to the period when the landed interest obtained greater power in Parliament, had been laws not for protection, but for providing food for the people. That Act, the 3rd Edward IV., cap. 2, prohibited the importation of corn up to a certain price; but if the noble Lord had looked a little further, he would have found that chapter 4, of the same year, also prohibited the importation of all articles of manufacture whatever from abroad. This country was to have no communication with foreign countries for the supply of its wants; it was to be self-dependent: was the noble Lord prepared to go that length? The noble Earl then quoted, from the Paston Letters some expressions in a letter (writ-tection-the more they increased protecten about the same period) of Dame Margaret Paston to her son Sir John, stating that malt was very dear, and wheat was 8s. 8d. a quarter, and that the king had prohibited the exportation of wheat, and ending with the remark, "I fear we shall have a right strange world," for the purpose of showing that exportation was forbidden as well as importation; and then went through the titles of various statutes up to the reign of Charles II., to show that all the legislation up to that period on this subject had been, not for protection, but with a view of providing food for the people. When the landed interest got the upper hand in Parliament, a new system was introduced, and the idea of protection began to be acted on. An Act was passed in the 12th year of the reign of Charles II., imposing duties on the importation of corn, and another in the 15th year, by which those duties were increased. At that time it was confessed without scruple

tion, the further were they from benefiting agriculture. It was said the present measure would benefit merely the manufacturing interest. He denied this, and thought it would benefit both the agricultural and manufacturing interest; but he maintained, that even if it were true that the manufacturing interest alone would be benefited by it, the landed interest ought to give it their best support. In the first place, he would remark that it was said on the other side that the landed interest was by far the largest and most important in the country. He denied that it was so, and appealed to the Population Returns in proof of his assertion.

The DUKE of RICHMOND said, that the Population Returns were not true.

The EARL of RANDOR replied, that the Returns were prepared with great care, and that he had no doubt of their perfect accuracy.

The DUKE of RICHMOND said, that

what he meant was, that in the last Popu- | shipping trade. From 1842 to 1845 the lation Returns every man was returned as increase had been from 563,000 tons to a manufacturer who belonged to any trade 1,114,000 tons. The same results had or handicraft, though supported by the ag- followed with regard to the articles of the riculturists; for instance, every tradesman Tariff, on which reductions had been made. in a country village was put down as a The principles of free trade were no longer manufacturer. an experiment; they had been tried for nearly five years in this country, and with the greatest success. He was prepared to support the measure throughout.

The EARL of RADNOR repeated his belief in the perfect accuracy of the Returns, and proceeded to say, that in 1811 it appeared that the agriculturists amounted The EARL of WICKLOW was rather to 35 per cent of the population; in 1821 surprised that up to this time no one conthey were only 33 per cent; in 1831 they nected with Ireland had risen to address were reduced to 28 per cent; and in 1841 the House on the question under considerthey were still further diminished to 22 ation. The sentiments which he enterper cent. Had the agricultural population tained on this subject were different from in 1841 borne the same proportion to the those held by those with whom he was geother classes of the population as they did nerally accustomed to vote, and therefore in 1811, they would have consisted of he thought it incumbent on him to make a 2,445,500 more persons than at present. few observations. He believed the head The consequence would have been, that of the Government had brought forward the agricultural interest would have had so this measure from no other motive than many more persons to support; and, as that of promoting the public good; but he these would generally have been of the (the Earl of Wicklow) was persuaded that poorer sort of persons, an additional poor no advantage that could arise from the rate of nearly 1,000,000l. would necessa- passing of the measure could recompense rily have been thrown upon the agricul- the country for the loss of character which turists. From this additional payment, public men would sustain by it. He did however, they had been relieved by the not envy that man his constitution of mind diminution of the agricultural population. who, having for thirty years consistently The noble Earl also entered into calcula-pursued one course of policy with regard tions to show, that from the same cause to a measure of this kind, could afterwards the agricultural interest had been relieved turn round and declare that the very meaof 6,500,0007. of other taxes, which would sure which during that period he had been have fallen upon them had they continued opposing with all his vigour and ability, was to bear the same proportion to the other now necessary for the public welfare. It classes of the population in 1841 as was impossible the great Conservative they did in 1811. He said, therefore, party in this country could a second time that even if there was no reason in the pardon an act of this kind. On one occajustice of the case why the Corn Laws sion they had done so with much difficulty; ought to be taken off the landed interest, but the guilt of turning round and desertthey ought to do any thing rather than in- ing those who were his followers, appeared jure the manufacturer. But he maintain- to him (the Earl of Wicklow) to be an act ed, that on the ground of justice alone, the which it was impossible to forgive. It was measure ought to be supported. When with deep regret he said this, because on the Canada Corn Bill was before that account of this circumstance he believed House, he (the Earl of Radnor) opposed it, the administration of the existing Governbecause it was a departure from the prin- ment was at an end altogether. The beciples of free trade; and he felt, what had trayal of confidence was not confined to since come to pass, that it would create the Minister; it extended to those who had interests which at a future time would be deserted their principles without affording used against the principle of free trade. their constituents an opportunity of saying Wherever free trade had been really car- whether they approved or disapproved of ried out, it had been successful, more par- their conduct. The hour of retribution, ticularly in the case of the shipping in- however, was not far distant; and many terest, woollens, and silks. The noble of those Gentlemen who had deserted their Lord (Lord Stanley) had argued that there principles would soon have an opportunity had been a falling off in the Baltic timber of pondering in retirement on the course trade, but that had been amply made up they had pursued as public men. There by the greater increase in the general was another point growing out of this mat

of the people, they had no right to say to them " you shall compete with foreign nations with regard to your agriculture. On these grounds he thought some amendments ought to be made in this Bill. So long as the Government derived a revenue from their Customs, that revenue would act as a protection; and the same degree of protection should, by right and justice, be extended to the farming interests of this country. But there was another object to

ter. If any Peers had left proxies with the Government, in the belief that they intended to act on the principle of protection, and if these parties had not had means of communicating their wishes on this measure he did not know that there were any noble Lords in this situation, there might be-and if their proxies were given for it, those Peers would have been betrayed. He was not aware of any such proxies having been brought forward; but he knew that the name of the noble Lord the Go-be attained, which it appeared to him was vernor of Canada had been removed from the indispensable for carrying out the principroxy list, in consequence of the opinions ples of free trade. He might be sneered which he had given in public. On the at by the political economists for saying it; subject of protection, he (the Earl of Wick- but he thought it absolutely necessary that low) differed from most of his noble Friends there should be a reciprocity with other with whom he voted. He conceived that nations. We were told that that would protection to British industry was not ne- follow as a matter of course; that if we cessary, because our manufacturing indus- adopted just principles, other nations try had been brought to such a state of would find it to be their interest to tread perfection that it could compete with all in our steps. He believed the direct conthe world. And he also believed that there trary would be the case. If the object of was no country in the world in which agri- this country was to get Europe and Ameculture was carried to greater perfection rica to adopt free-trade principles, the prothan in England. He thought all the in- per course would be not to abandon produstrious classes of this country capable of tection until they agreed to adopt the princompeting with all the world; and there- ciples of free trade; if this country did fore it was the duty of the Government of otherwise, the whole advantage arising this country to support the principle of free from free trade would be pocketed by fotrade. But he thought their Lordships reign countries. If the Customs duties and the Government of the country would were reduced, the increased consumption find very great difficulty in persuading might be productive of an increased reveother nations to follow our example. There nue; but if the duties were taken off altowere two things which appeared to him to gether, something else should be substibe absolutely necessary to enable this coun- tuted for them. Other countries, by keeptry to adopt the principles of free trade. ing up their duties, or by putting on as One of these was within our own power much as we took off, would keep themand scope he meant perfect justice and selves in the same relative position in which impartiality in the mode in which free- they were previously, and the advantage of trade principles were carried out; and the the reductions made by us would be excluother was reciprocity on the part of foreign sively enjoyed by them. It was quite clear countries. It was for the want of these that under such a system the people of qualities in this particular Bill that he ob- England would have to pay a heavy injected to it. It was not because it did not come tax to support the revenue of foreign contain the principle of free trade, but be- countries. Was that a state of things cause it did not carry out that principle which the farmers of this country ought to justly and fairly. If the farmers of this tolerate? He was aware that there were country were to have to compete with fo- various reasons which induced noble Lords reigners, what right had the Government to vote for this Bill; but it was the first to deprive them of those advantages with time in his long Parliamentary experience regard to the necessaries of life generally, that he had seen two parties voting for a which in the article of bread was conceded measure of which they entirely disapproved. to all other consumers? Why should the Men must be party men; but he defied any farmers of this country pay a high price one to show him from the history of this for their tea, coffee and sugar? This was country, any transaction like this. Last an injustice that would act most oppres- year, the whole of the Whigs and Consersively upon them. As long as the Legis- vatives were protectionists, and they only lature continued to tax those articles which differed as to the mode of carrying out their were so necessary for the consumption views. The noble Marquess opposite (the