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nor less than shifting the burden of responsibility from the shoulders of Her Majesty's responsible advisers to those of other and inferior persons, who were altogether irresponsible. The measures brought in by the Government had been proposed upon their own responsibility, after a long and anxious investigation, and much inquiry. They pressed them forward upon their own responsibility, and upon their own responsibility they were now offered to their Lordships' consideration.

one of whom was overheard to say as he left the office, "I wonder how the devil those two gentlemen could know so much about salt pork?" The Tariff certainly did that trade no harm. So with the boot and shoe trade: the experiment was said to be a dangerous one; but the whole quantity of boots that came in last year was 14,000 pairs-a quantity that practically made no difference: there was not less leather used here in the manufacture. Then there was the milling interest: they wanted the duty on flour increased; but, if they were ruined, it must have been in years when there was little or no flour imported at all. Therefore, his (the Earl of Ripon's) experience had led him to receive with great doubt all these prophecies of ruin. If all such prophecies made since he had been in office had been fulfilled, there would not be a single branch of national industry that would not have been ruined.

EARL STANHOPE only wished to know whether Her Majesty's Government had taken the opinion of any impartial, intelligent, and well-informed persons as to these measures? The late Lord Liverpool was in the habit during the war of consulting every day an eminent capitalist. But it was in vain to argue about this Bill any more than the Corn Bill, such a strange conversion of opinion had taken place on both sides of the House. Their Lordships must take the consequences. There would LORD MONTEAGLE thought the House be a general reaction of public opinion; had a right to hear something from the the principle of free trade would become Government upon a subject to which the odious even among the manufacturers; and noble Lord opposite (Lord Stanley) had they would be amongst the first to solicit alluded—the connexion of the present meaParliament to restore that system of pro-sures with the question of finance-in what tection under which the country had so long flourished, and had acquired such prosperity.

condition they expected the finances of the country to be placed when their measures should be carried? Were they prepared The EARL of RIPON must say, that to say that after carrying those measures, judging from experience, if eminent mer- they anticipated the possibility of the rechants had been consulted on this occasion, moval of the property tax? In diminishthe result would have been but a collec- ing to such an extent the indirect taxation tion of contradictory opinions. When the of the country, was not Parliament making Tariff of 1842 was framed, he and the Vice it a matter of inevitable necessity that that President of the Board of Trade were oc-heavy burden, for the first time imposed in cupied for many weeks in hearing the representations of parties upon various points; and some of the results in those instances would show that the noble Earl (Earl Stanhope) might well doubt the accuracy of his views. Among those who were expecting to be ruined were the glovers of Worcester and Yeovil; and he (the Earl of Ripon) in vain told the deputation from that body, that they were chiefly injured by the then high duty, which made it impossible to prevent smuggling, the truth being that the only way to beat the smuggler was to make the trade unprofitable to him; however, the duty was lowered, and in two or three months one of that very party came to him and stated that he had been over to France, and found upon thorough inquiry that they had been quite wrong. Then there were the persons concerned in the Irish provision trade, VOL. LXXXVII. {Series} Third

a period of peace-imposed under an exigeney of circumstances, and somewhat in consideration of existing difficulties, and for a definite period, could not be removed at the time specified? He was not saying that it might not be wise and just to continue it; but let the fact be understood; let it be known that in gaining a great commercial good, they were entailing financial difficulties upon themselves. There was but a surplus of 70,000l., and that was shown only by altering the mode of taking the Estimates, and estimating the expenditure in some cases, not for the whole of the year, but for a portion only. The increased consumption had been something of an equivalent for the revenue sacrificed in the reduction of duties: but only a quack could connect this large increase of consumption exclusively with that reduction; it was to be traced to the enormous acti

2 D

The EARL of DALHOUSIE said, he had already admitted the loss to the revenue; but the consumer had received the benefit of it.

The EARL of GALLOWAY said, the reduction of duty would be a great boon to the agricultural interest.

On Question, that the Clause stand
part of the Bill:-Contents 54; Not-
Contents 52: Majority 2.
On Clause 6 being put,

able portion of revenue.
The duties were
reduced within the last three years from
55s. to 25s. per load; and colonial timber
was reduced at the same time to a mere
nominal amount, for the purpose, as it was
avowedly declared in 1842, of keeping up
some relation between foreign and colonial
timber. The consequence was, that while
the consumption of colonial timber has in-
creased in a very slight degree, that of
foreign timber has increased in a very
great degree from 700,000 loads to
1,700,000 loads in last year; and now
the House is asked in the present state of
the revenue to sacrifice, upon the article of
foreign timber, 400,000l. out of the mil-
lion which is now brought in. He thought
that no serious injury would be done to
any one, but great good to the nation,
and therefore he would move that this
clause be omitted.

The DUKE of RICHMOND rose and said: My Lords, after what has occurred this evening-after the manner in which the petition of the silk weavers has been treated-after calling in proxies to vote on that important question-I cannot think of proceeding with a clause to-night which so materially involves the welfare of the silk trade. I will not be a party to proceeding further with this clause to-night. I do not think I am very unreasonable in asking your Lordships to postpone the discussion upon this clause. I have not had time to prepare the case which I could wish to lay before your Lordships this evening.

The EARL of DALHOUSIE said, he had no objection whatever to the postponement of the clause.

The Committee then went through the
Bill as far as the Table of Duties.
House resumed, and adjourned.

The EARL of DALHOUSIE said, the noble Lord was under a misapprehension as to the increased import of foreign timber as compared with Canada timber. If he would look to the Papers on the Table, he would find that of hewn timber there was imported from the Baltic in 1841, 136,000 loads; in 1842, 108,000 loads; and in 1845, 282,000 loads. Of deals, in 1843, 229,000 loads; and in 1845, 342,000 loads. On the other hand, a reference to the accounts of the imports of colonial timber would show that in 1841 the import was 619,000 loads; in 1842, 418,000 loads; and in 1845, 797,000 loads. deals there were imported, in 1842, 170,000 loads; and in 1845, 498,000 loads. He could not, therefore, understand how the noble Lord could say that there had not been relatively an increase in the import of colonial timber. With PETITIONS PRESENTED. By several hon. Members, from

Of

regard to the motives which had induced Her Majesty's Government to propose this reduction of duty, he would not fatigue their Lordships by going into the arguments he had before urged. It was sufficiently shown that the increased import of foreign timber did not prevent the increased import of colonial timber; and as regarded the revenue, all experience in similar cases led to the belief that, notwithstanding the reductions, the increased consumption would ultimately produce at least as much revenue as was received before the change.

EARL STANHOPE observed that the noble Earl had said nothing of the loss of 600,000l. of revenue occasioned by the reduction of these duties,

HOUSE OF COMMONS,

Monday, June 22, 1846.

MINUTES.] PUBLIC BILLS.

1o. Charitable Trusts; Baths and Washhouses; Western Australia; Ordnance Survey. 3o and passed. County Works Presentments (Ireland) Amendment.

various places, praying the House to pass a Bill for Compensating Proprietors of Land for Sites for Free Churches (Scotland), and for securing Accommodation to the Congregations. By several hon. Members, from a number of places, for the Better Observance of, and for the Prevention of the Sale of Intoxicating Liquors on the Sabbath. By Mr. Stanley, from Clergy of Twrcelyn, in the County of Anglesea, against the Union of the Sees of Saint Asaph and Bangor, but providing for the Immediate Appointment of a Bishop to the Newly Erected See of Manchester.-By Sir William Clay, from Manufacturers of Tobacco and Snuff in the Port of London, for Reduction of Duty on Tobacco. From Inhabitants of the Parish of All Saints, Wandsworth, in the County of Surrey, for Revision and Alteration of the Laws relating to Jurors.-By Mr. Richard Hodgson, from Passengers travelling between Birmingham and Bristol by Railway on the 10th, 11th, and 12th Days of June, and from Persons engaged in the Trade of Public Carriers, for carrying out the Recommendation of Her Majesty's Commissioners, who have lately reported on the Gauge Question, and establish, at the earliest possible Period, a National Uniformity of Gauge. By Viscount Emlyn, from Commissioners of Supply of the County of Nairn, for the Adoption of Registration of Births, &c. in Scot

land.-By several hon. Members, from various places, clauses by which all future deans were

against the Abolition of existing Religious Tests in the Universities of Scotland.

NEW ZEALAND.

MR. C. BULLER rose to put a question to the First Lord of the Treasury, of which he had given notice on Friday. Some time since the right hon. Baronet had been pleased to say that he would give ample notice of the intentions of Government with respect to New Zealand; and he would now perhaps fully acquit him (Mr. C. Buller) of exceeding the limits of his duty when he asked whether it was the intention of Ministers, in the present Session, to bring forward any measure for the government of New Zealand?

compelled to reside on their deaneries for eight months in the year at the very least; and while they are thus fixed to their deanaries, heads of colleges and professors are sought to be attached to their several duties and universities, by being relieved from those outlying canonries, as of Worcester and others, which were attached to them as part of their salaries, having canonries of Ely or Christ Church, which are part and parcel of the two universities, substituted for them. And, in the same spirit, heads of colleges were relieved from the charge of certain livings which were attached to them, receiving at the same time, compensation; and likewise several SIR R. PEEL replied, that since the deans were, in the same anti-pluralist spirit, subject had been mentioned formerly, his relieved from livings that had been attached right hon. Friend the Secretary for the to them. I ask the right hon. Baronet, Colonies had given a good deal of consid- whether he has considered that this process eration to the subject. His difficulty in was specially applied to the two pieces of giving a positive answer was now materi- preferment concerning which I am inquirally diminished by the contents of the re-ing, namely, that the headship of Magdacent accounts from New Zealand. On the last occasion he had not been able to give any pledge, because the British troops were then in chase of the enemy; but now there was good reason to hope that the authority of the British Crown had been established. Under these altered circumstances, he had no hesitation in stating his opinion that it would be highly desirable, in the course of the present Session, to bring forward a legislative measure for the government of New Zealand. As to the particular character of the measure, he abstained from giving any opinion. Whether it should be an enacting or an enabling measure, he would not say; but it was the intention of Ministers to introduce some legislative measure before the expiration of the Session.

THE DEAN OF WINDSOR. MR. RICH: I wish to ask the right hon. Baronet at the head of Her Majesty's Government whether, when he made a recent appointment to the deanery of Windsor, considering the various Acts which within the last ten years have been passed for the repression of non-residence and pluralities amongst the clergy, and more especially considering the Act of the 3rd and 4th of Victoria, for carrying into effect the Report of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners respecting deans and deaneries, as well as heads of colleges and professors in our universities-I ask the right hon. Baronet whether he has considered those

lene College was relieved from the care of souls of the living of Ellington; that by an Order in Council the advowson of it was directed to be sold, the proceeds duly invested, and the interest paid from time to time to the master of Magdalene for the time being, manifestly thereby intimating that the master should have more time and opportunity to devote to his college duties; and the deanery of Windsor was in like manner relieved from the cure of souls, thereby implying that the dean should attend to his duties as dean, and that each of these dignitaries should devote the whole of his attention to his high office. To fulfil the terms of his appointments, Dr. Grenville ought to reside six months of the year at his college, and to be in residence at the deanery in Windsor for eight months. I should be glad to know from the right hon. Baronet by what process the hon. and very rev. gentleman is to compress fourteen months' residence into one year? I must also ask whether either the college of which he is the master, or the Church itself, must not suffer by this arrangement? While fully subscribing to the merits of the hon. and very rev. gentleman, I wish it to be understood that my remarks are directed against the system.

SIR R. PEEL said, that the hon. Gentleman had asked him a question with by far the most complicated preamble, and, although it was contained in one sentence, by far the longest sentence he had ever heard. He did not think it at all desirable

Lynn, that he intended on this (Monday) evening to move, on the House going into Committee on this subject, a resolution to the effect :—

when questions were asked to introduce a | great mass of argument; it necessarily justified argument in reply. The period to introduce an argument was, when the hon. Gentleman made his Motion. He protested against the course of the hon. Member, and should content himself merely with answering the question. The law pre-that it was the duty of Her Majesty's Ministers to

scribed what preferment should be held by deans. A dean could not hold any other cathedral preferment; but there was no disqualification as to a dean holding the headship of a college. Being acquainted with the character of the present Dean of Windsor, he had recommended him to Her Majesty, and Her Majesty had sanctioned the appointment. He did not make any stipulation as to the resignation of other preferments to which he was entitled by law. If the tenure of the preferment were incompatible with the deanery of Windsor, then the statutes of the college would afford a remedy. The visitor of the college would determine whether or no the tenure of the two were incompatible. If they were, proper steps would be taken that the dean might vacate the appointment. But he had no reason to believe otherwise than that the two appointments were perfectly compatible.

THE SUGAR DUTIES-CONDUCT OF

MINISTERS.

"That the House was of opinion that the introduction of a Sugar Duties Bill for the short period of one month was calculated injuriously to

affect the commercial interests of the country, and

have brought it forward at the usual period, and in sufficient time to pass through both Houses of Parliament before the expiration of those duties." Now, he thought that, on a question of this importance, involving the character and conduct of the Government, and expressing a censure on them, it was desirable that the House should have had information of it having been the intention to bring forward this resolution. At the same time, he had no wish to interfere with the noble Lord in bringing it forward, so as not to interrupt the progress of the sugar duties, that they might be levied after the 5th of July. He had stated to the noble Lord that to bring this on that evening, after the intention with respect to the Protection of Life Ireland Bill had been known, would be inconsistent with the rules which the House had laid down for its guidance; and to bring forward a resolution of this kind afterwards would only have the effect of interrupting the progress of the Bill, and the first step necessary for the renewal of the sugar duties. If the The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHE-taking this first step was postponed to QUER said, that on Thursday last, in Friday-for it was only in the Committee consideration of the circumstances of the on Ways and Means that it could be moved Session, and the time occupied in deliber-there would not remain days sufficient to ation upon other measures, he had stated to the House it was his intention, in order that every opportunity should be given for that full discussion which seemed desired on the sugar duties, to propose this day that they be renewed for one month only. He had, at the same time, stated that he would take a course which would not interrupt the progress of that temporary Bill; and, on one hon. Gentleman taking an objection in some measure to his proposal, he had consented to the withdrawal of the objectionable notice, with respect to the reduction in duty, and had contented himself with a notice to renew the duties for a limited period. This notice had been given on Thursday, with a view that if any hon. Gentleman had any other notice to give on the subject, the House might be fully informed of any such intention. It was not, however, until late yesterday evening, at 7 o'clock that he had received an intimation from the noble Lord the Member for

pass any Sugar Bill whatever before the
duties expired. The noble Lord surely
could not desire that which would be the
inevitable effect of such a proceeding: great
loss to the revenue, and great inconve-
nience to the commerce of the country,
consequent upon an interval in which there
would be levied no sugar duties whatever,
would be the consequence.
He thought
also he could satisfy the noble Lord that
the course before proposed to be taken,
would not interfere with proposing his own
resolution. If it was desired that, instead
of being continued to the 5th of August,
the duties should be continued for any
lengthened period, there was nothing in the
preliminary resolution in the Ways and
Means which could prevent that. The re-
solution merely was that the existing duties
should be continued ; and in Committee on
the Bill it was in the noble Lord's power
to move the making the period of continu-
ance of what, under the circumstances,

sure.

was considered advisable. If the object was to pass a censure on Her Majesty Government, it was not necessary that the Motion should be brought forward at the time which had been fixed by the noble Lord, to the interruption of the other meaThe resolution might be moved at any subsequent stage of the proceedings on the Sugar Bill, and the noble Lord's object would then be effected without in any way interfering with the sole object of the Government, that the duties might not drop on the 5th of July. Having given this short explanation to the House, he ventured to hope that the noble Lord would not take the course which he had at first intimated his intention of pursuing; and he must take the liberty of adding, that he thought the House ought to have the fullest notice on the subject.

LORD G. BENTINCK was quite ready to assure the right hon. Gentleman that neither he, nor any of the Friends with whom he acted, had the least wish to see the sugar duties expire on the 5th of July; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer was quite right when he took for granted that the purpose of the resolution, of which a draught had just been read to the House, was to pronounce a censure upon the Queen's Government. The intention and wish was to censure them for leaving to so late a period of the Session the proposed Motion respecting the sugar duties. In his opinion they were greatly to blame for thus putting to hazard three or four millions of the public revenue. The sugar duties appeared to him to be a matter of very great importance; and he certainly should not interpose any obstacle whatever to the continuance of those duties; and he believed that he could answer for his Friends around him that they were quite ready to support any renewal Bill which yielded the existing protection, or to take the duties as they now stood, unaccompanied by the modifications which four or five months ago the right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had shadowed forth to the House. If the responsible advisers of the Crown thought proper to propose a measure for one year, the course which he should take would be wholly different. They would then have his cordial support, and he doubted not the support also of the Friends by whom he was surrounded, for they, true to the principles which they put forth in 1841, when they turned out the Whig Government, were prepared to protect the pro

duce of our Colonies, as they had shown themselves ready to protect the produce of the mother country. They did not blame the Ministers for proposing to renew the sugar duties; what they blamed them for was putting so large an amount of the revenue to hazard at so late a period of the Session. The effect of treating the matter in the manner proposed by the Government would be to let in 30,000 or 40,000 tons of sugar without paying any duty. He need scarcely remind the House that the Government had only left themselves a margin of 70,000l. to meet the demands which unexpectedly might come upon them in the course of the next year; and let the House picture to itself what would be the consequence of allowing three or four millions of revenue to be placed in jeopardy, with only a surplus of 70,0007., and the chance and the probability, if the sugar duties were, in the manner proposed, brought under the consideration of the House, that some hon. Members might extend the debate upon the subject to seven or eight nights, and in that way render it impossible to get the proposed measure through both Houses with sufficient speed. The debate in 1841 was prolonged to eight nights, and the same untoward occurrence might again take place. The Government were in great danger of leaving the country to labour under a deficiency at the end of the year, and therefore did he desire to pass a censure on them for this delay. They had been told that there ought not to be a day's delay in passing some temporary measure. To that he replied, that he and the Friends with whom he acted would not allow such a measure to pass without censuring the Ministers who were thus hanging up the interests both of the East and of the West Indies. Such conduct appeared to be deserving of condemnation; and he was determined that to those who deserved it censure should be dealt out. The House was asked at the present moment to pass those duties for one month; but hon. Members whom he then addressed knew well the state of political matters; they knew very well that at the end of a month the right hon. Baronet might not be a Minister of the Crown; they knew how probable it was that, he no longer being in power, the post of First Minister might devolve upon the noble Lord the Member for London. On his accepting the trust of forming an Administration, the noble Lord must necessarily

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