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to charge the parliament with se necessary and moderate a contribution as the twentieth part.

It is declared, “That the king expects to be kept from tumults and affronts. Upon which, I am commanded to observe, that his Majesty's expressions, in his answer, tend to the making of a division in this city, and to the raising of a party, which may make some disturbance in that orderly government, which is now established; both which will certainly prove equally destructive to him and both houses of parliament, and more prejudicial to bis quiet abode here, than any thing that hath ever been acted by the houses of parliament, or the present governors of the city.

They observe further, that in this answer," His Majesty doth pro-, fess, that he will seize upon the estates of those that shall contribute any thing towards the maintenance of the parliament's army, and will put them out of his protection, and by his ministers in foreign states, will take such course, that they may be proceeded against as enemies; that is, destroyed and spoiled. To which the Lords and Commons do de clare, That this is an excess of rigour and injustice beyond all example, that particular men should lose their private estates, here without law, or judicial proceeding: And that our prince, who owes protection to the kingdom, as well as to particular persons, should suffer the wealth thereof to be robbed and spoiled by foreign states ; upon due consideration whereof, they hope his Majesty will be induced, by better coun, sel, to forbear the execution, than that, by which he hath been persuaded to publish such a resolution.

Besides these observations, out of the answer, I'am to observe one out of a narrative that was received from the common-council, that the king did declare, that he would send some messengers here, to observe your carriage in the city, and what was done amongst you; the parlia ment have just cause to doubt, that these will be messengers of sedition and trouble, and therefore desire you to observe them and find them out, and that they may know, who they are.

I am for a conclusion to commend to your considerations, that you see by the proceedings to which the king is drawn by the ill council now about him, that religion, the whole kingdom, this glorious city, and the parliament, are all in great danger, and that this danger cannot be kept off in all likelihood, but by the army, that is now a foot; and. that the Lords and Commons are so far from being frighted by any thing ihat is in this answer, that they have for themselves, and the members of both houses, declared a further contribution towards the maintenance of this army, and cannot but hope and desire, that you, that have shewed so much good affection in the former necessities of the state, will be sensible of your own, and of the condition of the whole kingdom, and add to that, which you have already done, some further contribution, whereby this army may be maintained for all your safeties.

At the end of every period of this speech, the applause was so great, that he was fain to rest, till 'silence was again made, and at last, the company ready to be dissolved, after some pause and consultation with

the committees of Lords and Commons, then present, and by their direction, silence being made, he closed all with the words following:

Worthy citizens, you have understood the sense of both houses of parliament, concerning my Lord Mayor here, and thuse worthy members of your city, that are demanded; you have heard the parliament declare, that they will protect them in that which they have done by direction of both houses, and they expect, that you should express it yourselves likewise, that if any violence be offered to them, you will secure and defend them with your uttermost force; and you shall always find, that this protection of the parliament shall not only extend to these, but to all others that have done any thing by their command.''

Which words were no sooner uttered, but the citizens, with one joint harmony of minds and voices, gave such an acclamation, as would have drowned all the former, if they had been then breathing, which after a long continuance, resolved itself into this more articulate and distinct voice, We will live and die with them, We will live and die with them, and the like.

So that in the managing of this day's work, God was so pleased to manifest himself, that the well-affected went away not strengthened only, but rejoicing; but the malignants, as they have been called, some convinced, others silenced, many ashamed; it fully appearing how little power they had to answer their desires of doing mischief; whilst instead of dividing the city, they were exceedingly united; instead of a dissipation, thousands were unexpectedly brought, as it were, into an ynthought of association, to live and die in the defence of those zealous and honourable assertors of the peace and liberties: All which we may sum up in that triumph of the man of God. In the thing wherein they dealt proudly, God was above them.'


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Upon occasion of a Speech, delivered there the Friday before,




Printed in the year 1642. Quarto, containing twelve pages.

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, charge of my duty, speak freely to you of the last day's work, which lies so heavy upon us, that, if we find not some way to free ourselves of the scandal and dishonour of that day, farewell the reputation of this council, and of this city. We sent a petition lately to his Majesty, by six worthy members of this court; if you will believe them, they received a very gracious entertainment from his Majesty; and, if you will believe most wise men, they brought a very gracious answer back from his Majesty, with directions, by a servant of his own, that the same should be communicated to the whole city, from whom the petition was presumed to be sent, a circumstance as gracious as the matter itself. See now how we have requited him ? His messenger stays ten days, at the least, before we can vouchsafe to speak with him, whereas ours staid not an hour for admission to his Majesty, and but a day for an answer: Upon the receipt of our petition, his Majesty spoke very graciously of the city, very affectionately of the most considerable part of it; when his answer is read (an answer, I must tell you, worth another manner of debate) Strangers are admitted to make bitter invective speeches against it, and the King that sent it; whilst no honest citizen, who have only right to speak here, durst speak his conscience, for fear of having his throat cut as he went home. Think, gentlemen, what an encouragement we have given his Majesty to treat and correspond with us, whilst he is thus used: I am far from undervaluing both, or either house of parliament; I have been often a member of the house of commons, and know well my duty to it; but, though their privileges are infinitely grown and enlarged since that time, I hope they have not swallowed up all other men's ? Though they are the great council and court of the kingdom, yet there are other councils

and courts too, what do we else here? And, though they have a great liberty of language within their own walls, I never heard that they might speak what they list in other places. In my time, when there was any occasion to use the city, as often there was, the lord mayore or aldermen, or some trusted by them, were sent for to attend either house; but, for members of either, or both houses, to come hither, and be present at our councils, and govern here by privilege of parliament, was never heard of till of late: You will say, it is a great honour to us, that those wortbies take the pains to come to us, when they might send for us; it may be an honour too great for us to bear, and truly, I believe it hath been so chargeable to us, that we ought not to be ambitious of such honour. Mr. Pym (who hath been a very costly orator to us) told us (and his speech is since printed for our honour too, to shew how tame a people we are) that there were many things in that answer, of great aspersion upon the proceedings of parliament, and so forth. Truly I know no such thing; if we petitioned for peace, we were to expect his Majesty would tell us by what means that peace came to be disturbed, and then prescribe us a means for our reparation. If any man's guile hath made him think himself concerned in it, though he be not pamed, he is his own accuser.

He told us, that there was no occasion given by any tumults, which might justly cause his Majesty's departure, and this, he said, was the opinion of both houses ; and his proof was, because his Majesty came into the city without a guard, and dined at the sheriff's, next day after his coming to the house of commons, and returned back again to Whitehall, where he staid some days. I am willing to believe both houses as far as I am able, and, if they had declared that it had been lawful to beat the King out of town, I must have sat still with wonder; but, when they declare to us matter of fact, which is equally within our own knowledge, and wherein we cannot be deceived, they must pardon me if I differ from them. If they should declare, that they have paid us all the money they owe us, or, that there is no cross standing in Cheapside, could we believe them? Why, gentlemen, neither of these is better known to us, than that there were such tumults at Westminster, as might very well make the King think himself in danger.' We all well remember what excellent company flocked by Whitehall every day, for a week before the King went to the house of commons, and for his coming to the Guildhall the next day, when he did us so much honour, to vouchsafe us so particular satisfaction, and came without a guard, to shew how much he trusted in our duty and affection (I pray God the deceiving that trust may never rise in judgment against this city) we too well remember the rude carriage of many people to him as he went to the sheriff's to dinner, which was not so much as reprehended by any officer;. and we all know what passed the night following, when an alarum was given, that there was an attempt from Whitehall city, and so all men put into sudden árms; and if, by the great industry and dexterity of our good lord mayor, that hubbub had not been appeased, God knows what might have followed; if you will believe some men, they will tell you, the design of those, who gave that alarum, was no less than to pull down Whitehall. There is no question

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but there was causc enough for his Majesty to remove from Whitehall; and how quietly he staid after at Hampton-court, and at Windsor, cannot be forgotten, not to speak of that army by land and water, which, accompanied the persons accused, to Westminster, the next day after his Majesty's return, the danger of which was so great, that no honest man could have wished the King had run the hazard of it, by staying.

His Majesty seems to be sensible, that the government of this city is now submitted to the arbitrary power of a few desperate persons, to which the gentleman gave us this testimony from both houses, 'that we had, in most of the great occasions, concerning the government of the city, followed their direetion. Troth, gentlemen, would they had furnished us with a better answer. Have we our charter by the grace and favour of the two houses, or by the goodness of the King? Have we those privileges with foreign princes, by which many here have gotten such estates, by the power of the houses, or by the protection of the King? Why should we then govern the city by the direction of both houses ? I am not willing to speak slightly of any persons gotten into authority; only we may say, there be some amongst us, we did not think two years ago to have met here, and yet we were wont to see an alderman coming a dozen years off. I cannot tell what you mean by arbitrary power, but I am sure we are governed by nothing we were used to be governed by. I have been lord mayor myself, in a pleasanter time than this, and should have some share still in the government; before God, I have no more authority in the city, than a porter, not no much as an Aldermanbury porter. If to be governed by people whose authority we know not, and by rules which no body ever heard of, or can know, be a sign of arbitrary power, we have as much of it as heart can wish.

To the King's charge of our contributing for the maintenance of the army which had given him battle, we were told that divers practices were made against the parliament before they made any preparation for their defence. By practices, I think they mean fears and jealousies, for all the particulars, mentioned by him, we know, and are understood by all the boys in the streets; but we are sure there were tenthousand men raised and armed out of this town, and the neighbouring counties, before the King had seven-hundred. To the danger the King's person was in (at the thought whereof every honest heart trembles) the gentleman told us they were sorry for it; I dare not tell you what I think their sorrow was, but, masters, if you knew how much your estates, and being, depend upon the life and safety of our good King, you would no sooner apprehend him in danger, than you would run to his rescue, as you would fly from the plague and beggary. But that reproach of maintaining the King's children here, I confess, made my heart rise; I hope it did so to many here: Is our good King fallen so low, that his children must be kept for him? It is worth our enquiry, who brought him to that condition? We hear him complain, that all his own revenue is seized and taken from him: Are not his exchequer, court of wards, mint here, his customs too worth somewhat, and are his children kept upon alms? How shall we and our children prosper, if this be not remedied?

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