They will by no means endure, that his Majesty be obeyed in the apprehension of the lord mayor, and the other three gentlemen; for it is the sense of both houses, that this demand is against the privilege of parliament, and most dishonourable to the city. For the first, I dare not speak my mind, though I must confess myself not able to answer the King's reasons in many of his declarations upon that point; but for, the second (under the favour of both houses) whether it be dishonourable for the city, whether it be fit to be done or no, we are the best, indeed, we are the only judges. I will take the liberty to speak freely my conscience in this case, as a friend to justice, as a lover of these men, and as a servant to the city; and, as all these, I protest to God, if I were now lord mayor, and the other three were my father and my brothers, I would satisfy the King in this point. Did his Majesty ask to have them in to death, merely upon his accusation; or have them sent bound hand and foot to Oxford, where it might be in his power to proceed against them in an extraordinary way, it might seem unreasonable; but to apprehend them to keep them in safe custody, that his Majesty may proceed against them according to the known laws, under which they were born and bred, where, if guilty, they must be left to the justice of the law, and his Majesty's mercy, if innocent, will receive an honourable acquittal, seems to me so just in the King to ask, and so necessary for us to yield to, that the denying it implies a doubt in us of the innocence of those whom we will not submit to justice. Here is a way to find out the King's evil counsellors! If these men do their part, like men of good consciences, submit to the tryal of the law, which is the only judge of guilt and innocence, and are found clear from that heavy charge his Majesty accuses them of, how gloriously will these men live hereafter? And the King cannot refuse to deliver those up who have wickedly conspired the destruction of honest men: But, if we should only cry out, that the King is misinformed, and dare not trust ourselves upon a tryal, we may preserve our safety, but we shall lose our reputation. Thus much for justice, for the gentlemen's sakes now: way, you see, a way to honour and safety too, if there be innocence; but, do you think, after a month's longer enduring the miseries which are now upon us, men will not more importunately and impatiently enquire after the causes of their sufferings, if they shall find, that the denial to give up four men (who, it may be, are not of any known merit too) to be tried by the law, being accused of high-treason, and conspiring to take away the King's life, incensed our gracious King against us, and kept him from being amongst us, whereby our trade decays, and such violencies and outrages are every day committed: I say, can any four men bear the burden of this envy and malice? Will not some stout, bold persons, incensed and made desperate by their, and the common sufferings, tear these men in pieces? We have been all young men and apprentices, let us remember the spirit was then amongst us; would we have suffered all our hopes to have been blasted and destroyed by any four, or fourteen men? Let us not flatter ourselves, there is the same courage still in the city, which, at some time, will break out to the ruin of more than these men; but I thank that worthy that told

This

ys, that it is against the rules of justice, that any men should be imprisoned upon a general charge, when no particulars are proved against them: Haw insensibly, in other men's cases, do we accuse ourselves ? Why, how many of us, within these six months, have been committed upon a general charge? How many persons of honour and reputation are now imprisoned in this town, when particulars are so far from being proved against them, that they are not so much as suggested? Was ever any charge so general, as to be a malignant or a cavalier? Yet you hear all such imprisonments are against the rules of justice; my opinion is, that, for justice-sake, for the city's sake, these four men should quietly submit themselves to the tryal of the law; if they refuse, that they be delivered up to the hands of justice.

Mr. Pym told us, there was no proof that my lord mayor, and the other persons named, were countenancers of Brownists, Anabaptists, and other sectaries; where should this proof be made? Do we not all know this to be true? Are they not all so much countenanced, as there is no countenance left for any body else? Did not my lord mayor first enter upon his office, with a speech against the book of commonprayer? Hath the common-prayer ever been read before him? Hath not captain Venn said, that his wife could make prayers worth three of any in that book? Oh! masters, there have been times, that he, that should speak against the book of common-prayer in this city, should not have been put to the patience of a legal tryal; we were wont to look upon it as the greatest treasure and jewel of our religion; and he that should have told us he wished well to our religion, and yet would take away the book of common-prayer, would never have gotten credit. I have been in all the parts of Christendom, and have conversed with Christians in Turkey; why in all the reformed churches there is not any thing of more reverence, than the English liturgy, not our royal exchange, or the name of Queen Elisabeth, so famous. In Geneva itself I have heard it extolled to the skies. I have been three months together by sea, not a day without hearing it read twice. The honest mariners then despised all the world, but the King and the commonprayer book; he, that should have been suspected to wish ill to either of them, would have made an ill voyage. And let me tell you, they are shrewd youths those seamen; if they once discern that the person of the King is in danger, or the true protestant professed religion, they will shew themselves mad bodies, before you are aware of it; I would not be a Brownist, or an Anabaptist, in their way for But we

are told of an army of papists, who will root out our religion; for my part, I am sure I an not suspected of any affection to papists; yet I confess at this time, I have not the least fear of danger from them, and the truth is, this bugbear is grown less terrible to every body. We know, from the beginning of this parliament, the continual discovery of plots by the papists, and what those discoveries have cost us, and yet, to this day, not the least probable charge objected against them. When the King was at York, no discourse here, but of the papists being there in multitudes, when it is well known, his Majesty took all possible care to prevent the resort of any papists to the court, and I have been assured by very honest men, that, in a month, there was scarce the

face of one papist there. When he first raised his army, did he not, by proclamation, forbid any to come to him? But hark you, gentlemen, where would you have these papists be? Can they live in the air, or in the water? Beyond sea you will not suffer them to pass; if they stay at their houses, they are plundered, it is a good justification for plundering, that they are papists. Are they not the King's subjects, and should they not fly to him for protection? Is there any law, that says the papists must not assist the King with men, arms, or money, when he is in distress, and when he conceives himself to be in danger of his life? Let us look about us, if this world hold, not only all the papists, but all the gentlemen of England will find it necessary to carry all they have to the King, and venture it in that bottom.

But both houses have declared, that there hath been no plundering by the direction of parliament. Here, I think, they would be willing to admit the King to be part of the parliament, to save their honour; otherwise, if plundering signifies the coming with violence into one's house, and taking away his goods against his consent, sure there hath been much plundering, even by the direction of the houses; but have they ever punished plundering of the worst sort, if they have not directed it? Will a declaration of both houses repair the fine wainscot and the goodly leads of honest George Binyon's house? Let me tell you, the time hath been, the loss of such a citizen would have been talked of in another way. I wonder what kind of government is preparing for us, when they will not allow that the imprisonment of our persons is the taking away our liberty, or, the taking away the twentieth part of our estates is the destruction of our property; and did you mark what a notable reason was given us for this? The same law, that doth enable them to raise forces, doth likewise enable them to require contributions. It doth indeed, yet one might be without the other; but I would these gentlemen had chose another auditory to have convinced with this argument; the country people will be no more couzened by the city, when they hear what kind of oratory prevails over us; we shall be shortly told, when they have a mind to our houses, that the same law, which gave them authority to take away our money, gave them likewise power to do the other too.

The King tells us, if we shall hereafter contribute any thing for the maintenance of the army, which, he says, is in rebellion against him (he pardons what is past, mark that) he will deny us the benefit of his protection with foreign princes, which he will signify to his foreign ministers; what remedy have the lords and commons found for this now? Sufficient to do the business, they declare, that this is an excess of rigour, and injustice beyond example, and therefore they hope his Majesty will be induced, by better counsel, to forbear the execution. A very sovereign declaration; but it is ten to one, if we do not obey his Majesty in the injunction he hath laid upon us, he will use this excess of rigour. I know not how little you, that trade only within the kingdom, may think yourselves concerned in this; but I say, whoever understands the trade abroad, and the benefit of being a subject to the King of England, will not run this hazard; for, let him be assured, in

the instant the King disclaims him, he is ruined, and therefore, you who have estates abroad, look to it.

Gentlemen, I have troubled you very long, but, in good faith, the manner and the matter of the last day's work hath lain so heavy upon my heart, that I should have thought I had forfeited this gown, and this chain, if I had been silent, and, that I had betrayed the liberty of that famous city, which I am sworn to defend. One word I had forgotten to mention, the caution which was given us of such messengers as his Majesty should send, that we should observe them, that they might be dealt with, as messengers of sedition: God forbid we should live to see any messengers, sent to us from our gracious King, evilly intreated, I would be loth myself to outlive such a dishonour; if his Majesty shall vouchsafe us the honour of sending to us, let us use and defend his servants, as persons sent to us for our good; if it shall be otherwise, fire from heaven will consume this city. Let us not be wrought upon, by fair words, to contribute or lend more money for the maintenance of this civil, bloody dissension, or bring desolation and confusion upon this glorious city, for the support of four men, who, if innocent, will be safe; but let us remember the happiness and flourishing state we enjoyed, whilst we yielded obedience to our royal sovereign. Let us not, upon the general discourse of evil counsellers, rebel against a prince, upon whose person malice and treason cannot lay the least blemish, but must confess his religion, justice, and charity to be so transcendent, that, if he were a subject, would render him most amiable. Let us consider, that, if he be oppressed, there can be no end of these troubles, but we and our children shall be perpetually weltering in a sea of blood; whereas, if his enemies be overthrown, the whole kingdom will, within a moment, be restored to all the calm, pleasure, and plenty of peace. And therefore, if we intend to enjoy what we have, and that the younger men shall grow up to the same state we enjoy; if the memory of our forefathers, or the hope of our posterity, can move any thing with us, let us lay hold on the King's mercy, and submit to every proposition in his answer.

Whilst the alderman was speaking this speech, several great interruptions were made with hissing, and other such noises, some crying, No more, No more; others as importunately, Hear him, hear him, hear him; so that it was about an hour after he began to speak, before he ended: Whenever the clamour began to stop him, he sat down, without shew of any disturbance, and, when that noise was conquered, he began again, saying what he said last, and so proceeded; only once, when Alderman Bunce said, he spoke against the honourable house of commons, and that it was not to be endured; the alderman replied, with a little sharpness, that he had as much liberty to speak in that place, as any member of the house of commons had in the house of commons; and, if other men were content to lose their privileges, it should be remembered, that it was against his will. At which there was a great shout and acclamation, We will not lose our privileges; and after that there was not the least interruption, but the alderman was heard with great patience and attention. As soon as the speech was done, and the great shout and

hem ended (which some, in the street, apprehended to be a consent to lend money to the parliament, and ran to Westminster, and acquainted the house of commons with it, whereupon four members were appointed to draw up a declaration of thanks to the city) the lord mayor, trembling, and scarce able to speak, asked, What their resolution was concerning assisting the parliament with money, for the payment of their army? And, recovering his voice by degrees, offered them some reasons, and asked them, Whether they would lose all their thanks for what they had done already? But the cry was so great, no money, no money, peace, peace, that he could not be heard. One that stood near the mayor answered, that he doubted not, whoever could make it appear he had deserved thanks, might call for it, and have it; that the question was not, upon losing of some, but forfeiting of all; and whether the city would perish, or quit four men, for whom they had no reason to care? The voice was so great, one crying, That they who set them to work should defend them: Another, That since these troubles, none but bankrupts and knaves had prospered; a third, That, if they had common honesty, they would rather run away, than endeavour to save themselves, by bringing destruction upon the whole city. Then the court rose, and every man departed; so great a company going before, and following after Alderman Garroway to his house, that the streets were as full as at my lord mayor's show, some crying out, Where's Venn and his myrmidons? Others, when they should meet ? To which a general shout answered, now, now: One of good credit with them wished them to proceed with discretion. A pox of discretion, said a butcher, we shall be undone with it; let us proceed as these people have taught; When we asked them, what we should have in the place of bishops? They told us, bishops were naught we all knew, and, when they were gone, we should think of somewhat that is better in their room? let us now take away what we know is naught, and we shall do well enough after. I owe them a good turn, for the honour they have done my trade? Sayest thou so, said a sturdy mariner, believe it, they who would persuade the honest sailors to turn traitors to their good King, for all his favours to them, shall repent it. The good alderman, being much troubled to hear the several expressions, besought them to depart every man to his own home, telling them, that, if at this time they should do any thing, it would be imputed to him, and he hoped they wished him no harm; whereupon they were contented to part, promising one another that when they next met, they would do something worth speaking of, and agreed that the word should be, Gurney, in honour of their good lord mayor.