famish; it is lawful, then, to issue forth, with the forces we can make, to fight ourselves free: How much more lawful, then, is it to fight for the liberty and preservation of a church and state? It seems evident by the clearest beams of human reason, and the strongest inclinations of nature, that every private person may defend himself, if unjustly assault. ed, yea, even against a magistrate, or his own father, when he hath no way to escape by flight: Much more lawful then is it, for a whole nation, to defend themselves against such assassins, as labour to destroy them, though the King will not allow them defence. Let us consider the miseries, and heavy burthens, which we must lie under, if we undertake not this defensive war, and that will shew us the necessity thereof. Now, the evils, which we are in danger of, are of that nature, that if they should fall upon us, which the Lord in mercy forbid, we would think, that it were better for us to have no being, than such a miserable being. The present case seems to many, who see thoroughly into things, to be three-fold, viz.

1. Whether popery, or protestantism? And this doubt arises, from the king's assistants and agents, in his designs; or some who are in near trust, and of great power with his majesty, who, for the most part, are either of no religion, or of any religion, or of the popish religion, or popishly inclined and affected. And,

2. Whether slavery, or liberty? And this doubt arises from the doctrines, counsels, and persuasions of those about the king, who persuade him, that it is lawful for him to do what he list. And,

3. Whether estates, or none? And this doubt arises from some speeches, fallen from some in place and authority: That all we have is the king's; that, when there is necessity, he may command of, or take from us, what he pleases; and that he alone is the sole judge of this necessity. The case being thus with us, it seems unnatural, that any nation should be bound to contribute its own inherent puissance, merely to abet tyranny, and support slavery: That is, to fight themselves slaves, or to afford aid, assistance, and succour, either with persons or purses, to those who desire and endeavour to introduce popery and heresy into their church, and to bring themselves into such slavery and bondage, that they may tyrannise over them, at pleasure. And thus the necessity of this war shews the lawfulness thereof.

Fifthly, Defensive wars are always held lawful: Now the nature and quality of our war is defensive, and so the more justifiable. For,

1. The king's majesty, misled by malignants, and malevolent persons, made preparations for war, before any such thing was thought upon by the parliament. And,

2. We intend not the hurt of others, but our own peace and preservation; the design being but to suppress riots, to keep the peace, and to bring delinquents to a fair, just, and legal trial. And,

3. Our arms will be laid down, as soon as we are assured of a firm peace, and to be ruled, as becometh a free people, who are not born slaves.

Sixthly, We may guess at the nature of this defensive war, by divers particulars; as namely,

First, By the persons, against whom this design is undertaken, which is not the king, as was proved before, and shall be further enlarged by and by; but the malignants of the kingdom, which we labour to suppress, and to bring to punishment in a legal way. We go against the troublers of Israel, the firebrands of hell, the Korahs, Balaams, Doegs, Rabshakas, Hamans, Tobiahs, and Sanballats of our time. And,

Secondly, By the persons most favouring and furthering of this defensive war, who are, in every place, those who stand most cordially affected to the good of the commonwealth, and most sincerely addicted to the purity of the church, and the intire profession and practice of religion. And,

Thirdly, By the mercy and favour of God, towards the parliament, the principal agents and authors of this design. If we consider,

1. How the Lord preserved their persons, from the malicious intentions of the cavaliers, when they went to the very door of the house. And,

2. How he discovered the plots and practices which were intended for the bringing up of the army out of the north against them. And,

3. How he directed them, in their settling of Hull, the militia and navy, when things were almost come to their height. And,

4. How he hath, from time to time, and still doth encourage them with, or by the love, loyalty, fidelity, faith, and firm resolutions of the most part of all counties, to stand and fall, live and die with them. And,

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5. How, hitherto, he hath extraordinarily turned all the plots of their enemies, against themselves, and produced effects quite contrary to those they intended, and frustrated all their hopes.

If, I say, we consider these things, we cannot but say of the parliament-house, and parliament-men: Surely God is in this place, and in the midst of you, and present with you, and president amongst you; and we confidently hope, that the Lord will preserve and keep you, and finish the work he hath begun by you, to your comfort, his glory, and our good. And,

Fourthly, We may guess at the goodness of the design, by the time, when it was undertaken; for it was not begun, until all other means failed; and therefore may be called, ultimum et unicum remedium, the last and only means left. The old rule was observed by them, Non recurrendum est ad extraordinaria, in iis quæ fieri possunt per ordinaria; they tried all fair and ordinary means, and never had recourse to extraordinary and extreme courses, until no other would prevail. We and they have again and again petitioned the king, but cannot prevail; and therefore, all other politick means failing us, we ought generally (seeing the misery which is threatened is general) to join heads, hearts, hands,

and estates together, to fight for our king, country, parliament, selves, religion, laws, liberties, lives, and all that is ours, because now all is at stake. And,

Lastly, We may clearly see the lawfulness of this defensive war, if we but look upon the causes and ends thereof, which are many, as namely,

1. The glory of God.

2. The good of the church.

3. The propagation of the gospel.

4. The peace of the kingdom.

5. The prosperity of the commonwealth.

6. The maintenance of the king's honour, authority, and person, in

his royal dignity.

7. The liberties and immunities of the commons.

8. The preservation of the representative body of the realm.

9. The privileges of parliament.

10. The laws of the land: and, 11. The free course of justice.

But I will reduce all these to four heads; to wit, God's glory, the king's honour, the parliament's safety, and the kingdom's preserva

tion.

First, This defensive war is undertaken by the parliament for God's glory, and the maintenance of true religion. Now we may, yea ought to fight, to maintain the purity and substance of religion, that it may neither be changed into the ceremonious formalities of popery, nor our consciences brought into the subjection of Romish and antichristian slavery.

Secondly, This defensive war is undertaken by the parliament for the king's honour and safety. Now we are bound, by the duty of allegiance, to defend and maintain the king's person, honour, and estate; and therefore,

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1. It is our duty to labour, by all lawful means, to free his person from those assassins, who violently, by their wicked counsel, assistance, and persuasion, carry him upon his own danger, and the destruction of his liege and most loyal subjects. And,

2. It is our duty to labour to maintain the king's honour; and therefore, when he is over-ruled by those, who, through their subtlety, work so upon his mild and pliant temper, that they make him appear to his subjects, yea foreign nations, to be a defender of delinquents, and evil counsellors, against his loving subjects and loyal parliament, which tends infinitely to his dishonour; it is then our duty to labour to unwind and disentangle him from their practices, or, by force, pluck away their persons from about him. And,

3. It is our duty to maintain his majesty's estate. Now, as the Lord Burleigh would often say to Queen Elisabeth, Madam, get but your subjects hearts, and you need not fear their purses; so I may say, that

the love and affection of the king's subjects (which his parliament labours to inrich him withal, and to possess him of) will be more advantageous unto him for matter of state, than all the prerogatives and privileges, which his obscure counsellors persuade, and endeavour so much for, against the will and welfare of his people. And if we compare our Queen Elisabeth (who would have nothing, but by, and from the parliament, with the love and affection of her people) with the King of Spain, who, by an arbitrary power, tyranniseth over his subjects, we shall then see, as clear as the sun, that where princes, by joining with parliaments, labour to unite the hearts and affections of their people unto them, their riches abound more, both with prince and people, than in those kingdoms where all cruel courses are taken by the king to impoverish the commons.

Thirdly, This defensive war is undertaken by us, at the parliament's command, for their safety. Now, both reason and religion will teach us, that if our pious parliament, and the sage senate, for the maintaining of our lives, liberties, and laws, and in, or for opposing of itself, not against the king's person, honour, or estate, but against his affections misled by evil counsellors, shall be exposed to danger, dissolution, or death; then it is our duty, by defensive war, to withstand that power, or force, which is levied against them.

Fourthly, This military design is undertaken for the kingdom's preservation. Now both the laws of God and man (as is, against all contradiction, proved in the treatise, called 'A sovereign antidote to prevent and appease our civil wars') will bear us out, for taking up defensive arms for the safety of our kingdom and commonwealth. That is, if we see endeavours and designs a-foot, for the reducing of the government of this kingdom to the condition of those countries, which are not governed by parliaments and established laws, but by the will of the prince and his favourites; then it is lawful for us to assist the representative body of the land, whom we instrust with our laws and liberties, against those who resist and oppose them, that they may the more easily prevail against, and make good their designs upon us.

And therefore, although we will never cease to sue unto the king, and humbly to supplicate the King of kings for peace and unity, yet, if we cannot obtain it, without the dishonour of God, the loss of our religion, privileges, liberties, and laws, the endangering, yea exposing of our most faithful parliament to imminent peril, and the hazard of his majesty's person, honour, and estate; we may then, with the peace of God, his holy angels, and of our own consciences, take up arms in the defence of all these.

AN HUMBLE DECLARATION

OF THE

APPRENTICES AND OTHER YOUNG MEN

OF THE

CITY OF LONDON,

WHO WERE PETITIONERS FOR PEACE;

Shewing the causes of their petitioning, and the passages concerning it.

Together with a true copy of their petition, as it was delivered to both houses of parliament, disclaiming those in print, which were without their knowledge.

Nulla Salus Bello, Pacem te poscimus omnes.

Printed at London, 1642. Folio, containing eight pages.

WE

E the apprentices, and other young men, in and about the City of London, having lately engaged ourselves in a petition for peace, and thereunto subscribed, do now, for the satisfaction of all, who are desirous for peace, and to be informed of the truth of our proceed. ings, as also for the clearing ourselves from those malicious calumnies, that either are, or shall be cast upon us; humbly and truly inform, and declare to all the world, that that which first gave life, and quickening to our undertaking of this petition, was the glory of God, and the peace and happiness of our king, parliament, and kingdom, and for no by-respect, or ill design whatsoever.

The contents of which petition follow, verbatim, viz.

To the right honourable the Lords and Commons, in the high court of parliament now assembled.

The humble petition of divers apprentices, and other young men, in and about the City of London,

In most humble manner sheweth,

THAT your former gracious acceptation of petitions from persons of as mean quality as ourselves, your late kind embracement of that petition from our masters, and others of eminent quality; together with your constant endeavours for a pacification, for which we present our hum