expect this first supply of money, and arms, his present affairs not admitting a delay in the same.

That in case the King of Denmark will lend money upon jewels, there is in Holland a great collar of rubies, and' another of rubies and pearl, that may be sent to him, or delivered to his agent here; who may have order to pay the money here; or any other jewels.

That there have been in discourses several propositions of accommodation made by them to the King, to which the King hath at all times made more advances on his part, than in reason could have been expected from him, and the difficulties have still risen on theirs.

And that, whereas his Majesty doth understand, that a person is addressed to the King of Denmark from his parliament, to insinuate misunderstandings abroad with his Majesty's allies, as they have done at home among his people, his Majesty expects that he be neither received, nor permitted to remain within his dominions, to become an intelligencer and spy upon the treaty and negotiations between their Majesties, but that he be dismissed, and sent away, so soon as ever he shall arrive.

N. B. This paper, concerning Cockran, was not intercepted among the King's letters, but is otherwise attested.

ANNOTATIONS.

Much use may be now made of these precedent papers, and many things therein will appear very worthy of notice: For,

1. It is plain, here, first, that the King's counsels are wholly governed by the queen; though she be of the weaker sex, born an alien, bred up in a contrary religion, yet nothing, great or small, is transacted without her privity and consent. See pap. 28. If the prince makes suit to bestow a place in his own bed-chamber upon a gentleman of extraordinary merit, the King cannot grant it, to save his son's reputation, already engaged by promise, till he hath sent into France, and begged the queen's grant. See pap. 11.

2. The queen's counsels are as powerful as commands. The King professes to prefer her health before the exigence and importance of his own publick affairs. See pap. 14, &c. He avows constancy to her grounds and documents. See pap. 5, &c.

3. The queen appears to have been as harsh and imperious towards the King, pap. 34, as she is implacable to our religion, nation, and She doth the offices of a resident in France, to procure government. embargoes of our ships, to raise foreign forces against us; and in this she is restless, to the neglect of her own health: She vows to die by famine, rather than to fail the King in such like negotiations. See pap. 30. She confines not her agency to France, but sollicits Lorrain for men, and the Prince of Orange for shipping: She sends arms for Scotland to Montrose, speeds Col. Fitz-Williams's commission for Ireland, pap. 20, 21. The counsels also in England, which she gives the King, are of very pernicious consequence: Thereby the parliament must be dishanded, pap. 27. Treaties must be suspected; great care must be had in them of her, and her religion. pap. 30. Bishops and Catholicks

must be specially provided for, pap. 31. The King must be forewarned, that he cannot be safe longer than he defends all that have served him, pap. 31. That peace cannot be safe to him without a regiment for his guard A la mode du France, pap. 30. She interposes so in the business of Ireland, that the King is not seen therein, nor obliged to any thing immediately, pap. 29.

4. The King doth yet in many things surpass the queen for acts of hostility, and covering them over with deeper and darker secresy. He employs Col. Cockran to sollicit the King of Denmark, making not only papists our enemies for religion sake, but all princes, though protestants, for monarchy's sake; rather than fail of aid from thence, he stirs rumours about his mother's chastity; he promises to disoblige the Hollander in the business of the Sound: he pawns the jewels of the crown, pap. 39. He presses the queen, beyond her own fiery propension, urges her to make personal friendship with the Queen Regent, furnishes her with dextrous policies and arguments, to work upon the ministers of state in France. Of his own accord, without intreaty, he proposes to the queen the taking away all penal statutes against recusants in England. It is true, he doth all by way of bargain, for his own particular advantage but the papists conditions are better than ours, in regard that the queen herself is trusted with that merchandise, pap. 8. He prostitutes his pardon and grace to the Irish rebels, importuning Ormond to use importunity to them, that they will accept of indemnity, and free use of popery, and desire nothing in lieu thereof, but that they will transport six-thousand men into England, and some other supplies into Scotland: for this purpose he sends posts after posts, and hastens the business, the rather because, being in treaty with the two parliaments of England and Scotland, about prosecution of the Irish, he may be prevented therein, and pre-engaged not to consent. See pap. 16, 17, 18, 19. He only excepts against appeals to Rome, and Premunire's; all other things he thinks cheap enough for the Irish: he must not now stand upon scruples (it is his own word) all things, not disagreeable to conscience and honour, are to be admitted; and so to grant free exercise of idolatry, though abjured formerly, to the most odious, flagitious murderers in the world, is but a scruple not disagreeable either to conscience or honour. To bargain away our acts of parliament by such clandestine engagements, as pass only by papers, and dare not look upon the light, especially such acts as concern our greatest interest, even those of religion, supposes us to be slaves of the basest alloy: and it is strange, that the Irish and papists should at all rest upon the strength of such assurances, when they see records and parliament rolls are of no vertue at all, either to the English or protestants. See pap. 16, 17, 18, 19. He calls us a parliament publickly, yet acknowledges us not a parliament secretly: he suppresses still his not acknowledgment, only he enters it in the council-book at Oxford; and so, though it be smothered to us, whom it most concerns, yet it is registered for our enemies use, upon all occasions of advantage. This favour we found from the council at Oxford, that the name, though not the thing, should be imparted to us: but even this was not willingly and freely allowed by the King; had but two of his advisers sided with him, all the reat should have

you to look both forward and backward; and having now taken the dimension of the King's mind, by his secret letters, turn about a while, and look upon the same in his publick declarations: see if you can reconcile his former promises to his present designs; for, as you have had some representation of the latter in the former part, you shall now be made spectators and judges of the former in this latter part. The King, according to Digby's superstitious observation, in his letter of January the fourteenth last, takes it as evident, that Strafford's innocent blood has brought the judgment of this civil war equally upon both sides, both being equally guilty thereof. The King's meaning is, that he, and his side, was as guilty in permitting, as the parliament was in prosecuting; but now for Canterbury's blood, that being totally put upon the parliament's score, he doubts not, but the hand of justice will from henceforth totally lay the weight of this guilt upon the parliament's side. The truth is, Strafford and Canterbury were the chief firebrands of this war, the two ill counsellors, that chiefly incensed the King against the Scots, and endeavoured to subject all these three kingdoms to a new arbitrary government, and were justly executed for attemping that subversion of law, which the King has perfected since. The King and Digby both adjudged Strafford worthy of death, yet not for treason, as it was charged; but not being able to save his life, without using force, and finding force very dangerous, they left him to the block, against conscience, as is now alledged. Canterbury remains in the same case, and now remorse of conscience, or rather the old project of altering law, suggests to the King, that, if no resistance be used, Strafford's precedent will cast Canterbury, and Canterbury's all the rest of the conspirators, and so the people will make good their ancient freedom still. Hereupon discontents break out; the King withdraws into Scotland; during his abode there, the rebellion in Ireland, some attempts against Marquis Hamilton, and others, in Scotland, and some other dangerous machinations in England, put us into strange terrors and apprehensions. The King, at his return, December the 2d, 1641, complains of these jealousies, frights, and alarms, with this profession: I am so far from repenting of any act done this session, for the good of my people, that, if it were to do again, I would do it, and will yet grant what else can be justly desired. He concludes with a recommendation of the business of Ireland, and, finding the preparations for the same slow, again, on the fourteenth of December, he is pathetical in quickening thereunto. All this notwithstanding, the parliament finds the old faction at court to grow strong, and daily to attain to more prevailance with the King; which, besides other causes of jealousy, makes them lay open the indisposition of the whole state, in a plain and sharp remonstrance, December the fifteenth, with the remedies thereof proposed. The King, as to the business of religion, answers: For preserving of the peace and safety of the kingdom, from the designs of a popish party, we have, and will concur with all just desires of our people in a parliamentary way. For Ireland, we thank you for your care, and chearful engagement for the speedy suppression of that rebellion, the glory of God in the protestant profession, the safety of the British there, our honour, and this nation's, so much

depending thereupon, &c. Your promise to apply yourselves to such courses, as may support our royal estate with honour and plenty at home, and with power and reputation abroad, is that which we have ever promised ourselves, both from your loyalties and affections.' Here are words that sound nothing but grace, and here is a clear testimony from the King's own mouth, concerning the merit of this nation to this day; but, nothwithstanding these promises and testimonies, the King discovers daily more and more regret for Strafford's execution, sticks closer to the counsels of the same faction, and, instead of hearkening to this parliament, he commands a charge of treason to be framed against six members, the most eminent and active in both houses. Also, upon the fourth of January, the King comes in person, with a great train armed, into the house, and missing the five members there, tells the rest, that he must have them wheresoever he found them. Here was the fatal commencement of the war; for, the next day, the house declares, that they cannot sit in safety any longer at Westminster, and therefore they adjourn for some days, and retire into the city. December the thirty-first, they petition for a guard out of the city, under command of the King's lord chamberlain, the Earl of Essex; which is denied, yet with these expressions: We are ignorant of the grounds of your apprehensions, but protest before Almighty God, had we any knowledge, or belief of the least design, in any, of violence, either formally, or at this time against you, we would pursue them to condign punishment, with the same severity and detestation, as we would the greatest attempt upon our crown; and we do engage solemnly the word of a King, that the security of every one of you from violence is, and shall be ever as much our care, as the preservation of us and our children. These words were sweetly tempered, but won no belief, nor could overpower contrary actions; wherefore, the mayor, aldermen, and common-council of London, seeing nothing but symptoms of war in the court, framed a petition, praying the King, that the Tower of London may be put into the hands of persons of trust; that, by removal of doubtful and unknown persons from about Whitehall and Westminster, a known and approved guard may be appointed for the safety of the parliament; and that the accused members may not be restrained, or proceeded against, otherwise than according to the privileges of parliament. The King grants nothing, but answers, That his reception of such an unusual request is a sufficient instance of the singular estimation he hath of the good affections of the city, which he believes, in gratitude, will never be wanting to his just commands and service.' Hitherto the King speaks nothing, but in justification both of the city's, parliament's, and people's loyalty. The tumults about Whitehall, &c. amounted to no war, are imputed by the King to the rabble, and by us to the King's party; the parliament is acquitted, except six members, and the prosecution of them also is after declined by the King, yet the King departs from the city, as unsafe, seeing plainly it could not be averted from the parliament. Upon the twentieth of January, the King sends a message to parliament, to state the differences on both sides, promising, that, when they are digested into a body, fit to be judged of, it shall appear what he will do. In answer hereunto, the commons house (the lords refus

ing to join) only petition for the raising up unto them, and the state, a sure ground of safety and confidence, that the Tower of London, and the Militia of the kingdom, may be put into such persons hands as they should recommend. The King replies, That the militia by law is subject to no command but his own, which he will reserve to himself, as a principal and inseparable flower of his crown; professes to take care of peace, and the rights of the subject, equally with his life, or the lives of his dearest children. He further also conjures them, by all acts of duty and favour received, by hopes of future mutual happiness, by their love of religion, the peace both of this kingdom and Ireland, not to be transported with fears and jealousies. The parliament could not believe themselves secured by these professions, or asseverations, and the King would not understand, that the settling the militia, at this time, in confiding hands, to prevent a civil war, was any other, than the taking the crown from his head. Hinc ille lachryma; the King, nevertheless, persists to declare his abhorrence of the Irish rebellion, frequently inciting the parliament to send succours. He also strangely abjures any privity to plots, or designs against the laws, &c. and, further, makes strict proclamation, March the Sixteenth, for putting laws in execution against the papists. The parliament, seeing cause to suspect that the King and Queen did still favour Digby, and others, flying from the justice of parliament, and appearing to be incendiaries by letters intercepted; knowing also that the Queen was going into Holland to pawn the jewels of the crown for arms; and having divers other grounds of further apprehensions, again petition concerning the settling of the militia, and the King's return, but are denied in both. Thoughts of peace are now laid aside, and Hull being a strong town, and a magazine of arms, as also Newcastle being the publick magazine of fuel, and a rich place, are looked upon with sollicitous eyes; but, as the Parliament prevents the King in Hull, the King prevents the parliament in Newcastle: Yet, the war, being so far advanced, is scarcely avowed on either side, nor is it agreed which part was put to the defensive; and therefore, on the second of June, 1642, before any bloodshed, another essay is made for peace, and the parliament's cause, stated fully in nineteen propositions, is dispatched to the King; the main things desired were reformation in church government, that power military and civil might be put into confiding hands, that justice of parliament might pass upon delinquents: But the answer returned is, That, if these things were granted, the King should remain but the outside, but the picture, but the sign of a King. This, though it was the trumpet of war, and the sound of defiance in effect, yet was not so owned, for still the King says, He intends not to fix any disloyal design upon both, or either house of parliament; he is rather most confident of the loyalty, good affections, and integrity of that great body's good intentions; but the malignity of the design, he says, hath proceeded from the subtle informations, mischievous practices, and evil counsels of ambitious turbulent spirits, not without a strong influence upon the very actions of both houses. This was the utmost charge of treason that could be then brought against the parlia ment, and the propsitions of the parliament treated lately at Uxbridge, in February 1644, being no other in effect, than those of June 1642,