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this inference may be truly made, That the King hath no cause to look upon us now, otherwise than as he did then; and, if he have varied since from those vows and asseverations which he made then, the blame will not remain on this side, but on his ; so that the very calling to mind what hath been said by the King, will be now sufficient for our purpose:

Wherefore, as to the taking up of arms at all against the parliament, June the Third, 1642, the King, in his declaration to the freeholders of Yorkshire, renounces any intention of war; his words are, To the end this present posture, wherein we meet, should not affright you with the distempers of the times, we wish you to look into the composition and constitution of our guard, and you will find it so far from the face or fear of war, that it serves to secure you, as well as us, from it, &c. Also June the Sixteenth, in his declaration at York, he useth these words: We again, in the presence of Almighty God, our Maker and Redeemer, assure the world, we have no more thought of making war against our parliament, than against our own children, To the same purpose, he made all his lords sign a testimonial with their own hands, in affirmance of his profession. It is true, afterwards, when he took the field with his increased guard, and became the assailant at Hull, having possessed himself of Newcastle, he was driven to save himself by distinctions, for he had not disclaimed all war in general, but all invasive war; and, if the siege of Hull had some shew of invasion, yet, indeed, it was but in order to his defence, and this was a subtlety that all the subsigning lords, and others, it is thought, had not foreseen till


2. As to the waging war against the parliament, June the Sixteenth, the King disclaims all thoughts of war against his parliament; and, in July, after the date of the Earl of Essex's commission, he abhors the like, desiring no longer the protection and blessing of Almighty God uphimself and his posterity, than he and they shall solemnly observe the laws in defence of parliaments. Also, on August the twelfth after, he acknowledges, that the King and parliament are like the twins of Hyppo. crates, which must laugh and cry, live and die together. So this guides us to more distinctions, that the King may defend himself against a parliament, yet not fight against it; or, he may assail a malignant party in parliament, yet not touch the parliament itself: These distinctions hold good on this side, not on that: But, by what distinction will the King put a short period to this perpetual parliament without violence? Or, how can he deny it the name of a parliament without hostility? Examine the letters further about this,

3. As to the waging of war by papists : The King, August the fourth, when the Earl of Essex's army was in forming, in bis speech to the gentry of Yorkshire, avers, That he had taken order, that the power of the sword should not come into the hands of papists. And, August the tenth, he makes strict proclamation, That all papists, presuming to list themselves under him as officers or soldiers, should be punished, and a way, by oath, was prescribed for discrimination of them. Also, August the twenty-ninth, The King gives instructions his commissioners for arrays to disarm all papists. So, October the twenty-seventh, after the battle

at Edge-bill, the King thinks it worth his excuse, that he had some few popish commanders in his army, taken in of great necessity; he cone cludes thus: We shall never forget our several oaths in our several declarations; we are too much a christian to believe that we can break those promises, and avoid the justice of heaven. It is true, afterwards, a new distinction came to light, for, upon'a petition from the Lancashire papists, the King did avow, The papists were, by law, prohibited arms in time of peace, not in time of war; and, therefore, he did not only authorise, but require them to arm themselves, servants, tenants, and use the same arms, &c. This distinction bure date long after the war begun, but that was want of invention only.

4. As to managing the war by Irish papists, he had never before named them but with a bleeding heart. His words once were : We hope the lamentable condition of Ireland will invite us to a fair intelligence and unity, that we may, with one heart, intend the relieving and recovering of that unhappy kingdom, where those barbarous rebels practise such inhuman and unheard of cruelties upon our miserable people, that no christian ear can hear without honour, nor story parallel. At another time, thus: We conjure all our subjects, by all the bonds of love, duty, or obedience, that are precious to good men, to join with us for recovery of that kingdom. In July, at the siege of Hull, he conjures both houses, as they will answer the contrary to Almighty God, To unite their force for recovery of Ireland. In October, from Ayno, in his proclamation, he excuses the taking of clothes and draught horses sent for Ireland, as done of necessity, and against his will. In December, the King answers some Irish protestants thus : Since the beginning of that monstrous rebellion, I have had no greater sorrow than for the bleeding condition of that kingdom. Nay, since the treaty at Uxbridge, the King, in publick, washes his hands of all countenance given to the rebels, and turns the blame upon the parliament, though in private he had been, as it were, a suitor to them for peace, and some assistance from them by private letters to Ormond. Query, How this may be reconcileable, &c.

5. As to the granting of a toleration, the King, March the ninth, 1641, in answer to the parliament's declaration, uses these words: Our faithful and zealous affection to the true protestant profession, and our resolution is to concur with our parliament in any possible course for the propagation of it, and suppression of popery. In April, 1642, he calls God to witness, with this assurance, That he will never consent, upon whatsoever pretence, to a toleration of the popish profession, or abolition for laws now in force against recusants. Also, April the twenty-fifth, He has no other end but to defend the true protestant profession, &c. God so deal with us, as we continue in these professions. So, in his speech at the head of his army, September the nineteenth. So, in his proclamation of pardon to London, October the twenty-ninth, All the professions we have made in our several declarations for suppression of popery and maintenance of religion, the laws, &c. shall be as inviolably observed by us, as we expect a blessing from Almighty God, and obedier.ce from our subjects. Query, then, How this may be consistent with taking away statutes in England and Ireland, made for suppression of popery, and that by the arms of papists.

6. As to the bringing in of foreign force, the King, March the ninth, 1641, in his declaration from Newmarket, saith, Wbatsoever you are advertised from Rome, Venice, and Paris, of the pope's nuncio's solliciting Spain, France, &c. for foreign aids, we are confident no sober honest man can believe us so desperate or senseless to entertain such designs, as would not only bury this our kingdom in sudden destruction and ruin, but our name and posterity in perpetual scorn and infamy. Also, March the twenty-sixth, 1642, about sollicitation suspected of the King of Denmark, his words are, We have neither so ill opinion of our own merits, or the affections of our subjects, as to think ourself in need of foreign force. Also, August the fourth, the King, in bis speech to the gentry of Yorkshire, acknowledges, He is wholly cast upon the affections of his people, having no liope but in God, his just cause, and the love of his subjects. What distinction can now satisfy us, that neither Irish, French, Lorrainers, Dutch, nor Danes, are foreigners ? The concealing of this, by sealing up the lips of the Queen and Ormond, and Cockran, must supply all distinctions.








(Sometimes Cornet Joyce, who secured the King at Holmby) and his

proceedings against him to cashier him from the army, and imprison and destroy him in his estate.

Folio, containing four pages.


LITTLE after the King was brouglit into the custody, or quarters

of the army, notice was taken, that Cromwell lifted up his hands in the parliament, and called God, angels, and men to witness, That he knew nothing of Joyce's going for the King.

Thereupon, Joyce asked the said general Cromwell, What made him to speak such words ? And, Whether he intended to do as the King had done before him, viz. swear and lye? and bid him mark, What would be the end of such things ; cautioning him to take heed and beware of such actions : But he slighted those warnings; and soon after flattered the said Joyce again with tears of seeming repentance.

The next occasion of difference, between the said Joyce and Cromwell, was, concerning the Marquis of Argyle's carriage in Scotland; at which time, speaking plainly to him, according unto his own exhortations; putting him in mind of former neglects of his, he immediately fell into a violent fit of passion against the said Joyce; and, laying his hand upon his sword, uttered many threats against him, in the presence of Captain John Vernon, and one more.

Not long after this, the said Joyce, with some other officers, went with a petition, to St. Albans, to General Fairfax, for justice against capital offenders; and from thence was sent to Pomfret leaguer, with a letter and message from our general and army, to know whether that brigade under Cromwell would join with us. And, while he was waiting for an answer, Cromwell took an occasion to fall out with him, and in a railing manner called him rascal, many times, and with great threats said, That he would make him write a vindication of him, against a book, intitled, “The Grand Design Discovered. Wherein were many things declared, concerning Cromwell's carriage towards Joyce, before he went to Holmby for the King; which afterwards he called God to witness, he knew nothing of.

And, had it not been for Colonel Dean, and others, who, through the mercy of God, prevented him, he had in all probability done him mischief at the same time.

Not long after this, the parliament was to be purged, which the said Joyce protesting against, was by the said Cromwell threatened to be destroyed.

But it came to such a height at last, that the said parliament must be dissolved forthwith ; against which, the said Joyce protested, and gave him his reasons for it, viz. First, He feared he designed to be King by it. Secondly, That, if he dissolved the parliament, there would be no legal way to raise money for the army; which would be a means to take off the affections of all the parliament's friends; desiring therefore, it might not be dissolved, until they had by our means introduced a more righteous and equal government, which, in our declarations and remonstrances, they had held forth. Then was a certain select company of men to be sent for out of several counties; the said Joyce protested against that likewise, still telling him, that he intended by them to make himself King. At which, he was extremely angry with him, and in a great rage-After this,

About the year 1650, one Mr. Henry Philpott, being chief ranger of Finckley park in Hampshire, by a patent from the late king; the said park, for the delinquency of the said Philpott, was sequestered; by which means, it came into the hands of the Lord Delawar, who never accounted to the commonwealth, fur one penny of the profits.

Whereupon, one Mr. Villers Philpott, kinsman to the former, desired him, that inasmuch as his cousin was beyond the seas, that he would get the said park into his possession, and he would engage, that

his kinsman, upon his coming over, should do this commonwealth very signal services, and such as few, besides himself, were able to perform.

To the latter he very readily hearkened, and thereupon procured Mr. Henry Philpott to come over ; which he accordingly did, and gave so good an account of affairs abroad, that it came not short of his kinsman's word, nor his expectation. But for the former he was altogether unwilling, and offered him divers reasons against it, although his kinsman, upon his coming over, had made him several proffers, of assign, ing all his interest in the said park unto him; which he as often refused.

Notwithstanding which, he was continually importuned by both; but, nothing prevailing, they desired him to offer it to some friend of his, and alledged this, That it were indifferent to them, whoever had it, so it were out of the hands of him that then enjoyed it.

But he being as much to seek in this, as unwilling in the former; they earnestly intreated him, in regard of his more than ordinary knowledge (as they would persuade him he had) of the Lord General Cromwell, that he would prevail with him, or one of his sons, to take it into their hands; which, after some time and persuasion, he brought to this issue: That, upon the assignment of Mr. Philpott, and the resignation of the Lord Delawar, Mr. Richard Cromwell desired to take it; all which being accordingly done, he was possessed of it, and hath ever since enjoyed it. But, farther, there was this agreement between Mr. Richard Cromwell, Mr. Philpott, and himself, That if ever the said park were exposed to sale, that he should have the sole right of purchasing it, before either of them two: In order to which, he bought up all the arrears of Portsmouth, Hampton, and the better part of the Isle of Wight, at seven shillings and sixpence per pound, deeming himself obliged in conscience to allow the soldiers, who had equally ventured their lives with himself, a more proportionable rate than the common prices of one shilling, or one shilling and sixpence per pound,

After this, the parliament made an act for the sale of the King's lands, of which, the park aforesaid being parcel, it was amongst others surveyed, and exposed to sale ; he having notice of it, by the consent of the Lord Richard, went to the committee, and, informing them of the matter at large, they ordered, that a stop should be put to the sale of the said park, for the present, and that, whenever it was to be sold, himself should have the pre-emption; giving this for the reason of their order, That he had deserved better, than so small a courtesy; by which means, the Lord Richard enjoyed the said park between four or five years longer, his debentures, all that while, lying dead upon his hands.

By this time, the greatest part, if not all the King's lands being sold, comes in one Captain Urland, and pretends a discovery of the said park ; whereupon, the committee forgetting, or, at least, taking no notice of the former passages, order a new survey; which being returned, and the park upon sale, he went to him, then called Lord Richard (Cromwell, his father, having interrupted this parliament) and desired to know of him, Whether he would let the park go so, or whether he

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