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of Parliament! but the crown, from itself, and by itself, declares an unalterable derermination to pursue measuresand what measures, my lords? The measures that have produced the imminent perils that threaten us; the measures that have brought ruin to our doors.
CXXXI.-LORD CHATHAM ON THE AMERICAN WAR.
Extract from the same Speech.
My Lords,-THE present ruinous and ignominious situa. tion of our country, where we cannot act with success, nor suffer with honor, calls upon us to remonstrate, in the strongest and loudest language of truth, to rescue the ear of majesty from the delusions which surround it. The desperate state of our arms abroad is in part known no man thinks more highly of them than I do. I love and honor the English troops. I know their virtues and their valor. I know they can achieve any thing except impossibilities; and I know that the conquest of English America is an impossibility.— You cannot, I venture to say it, you cannot conquer America. Your armies, last war, effected every thing that could be effected; and what was it? It cost a numerous army, under the command of a most able general,* now a noble lord in this house, a long and laborious campaign, to expel five thousand Frenchmen from French America. My lords, you cannot conquer America. What is your present situation there? We do not know the worst; but we know, that in three campaigns we have done nothing, and suffered much. Besides the sufferings, perhaps total loss, of the northern force;† the best appointed army, that ever took the field, commanded by sir William Howe, has retired from the American lines. He was obliged to relinquish his attempt, and with great delay and danger, to adopt a new and distant plan of operations. We shall soon know, and in any event
*Sir Jeffrey (now lord) Amherst. ↑ General Burgoyne's army.
have reason to lament, what may have happened since. As to conquest, therefore, my lords, I repeat, it is impossible. You may swell every expense, and every effort, still more extravagantly; pile and accumulate every assistance you can buy or borrow; traffic and barter with every little pitiful German prince, that sells and sends his subjects to the shambles of a foreign prince; your efforts are ever vain and impotent: doubly so, from this mercenary aid on which you rely. For it irritates, to an incurable resentment, the minds of your enemies to overrun them, with the mercenary sons of rapine and plunder; devoting them and their possessions to the rapacity of hireling cruelty! If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I never would lay down my arms-never—never——
CXXXII.-SPEECH OF CASSIUS TO BRUTUS, IN CONTEMPT OF CÆSAR.
Extract from Shakspeare. Julius Cæsar.-Act 1-Scene 2.
HONOR is the subject of my story.
I cannot tell, what you and other men
In awe of such a thing as I myself.
I was born free as Cæsar; so were you:
And bade him follow: so, indeed, he did.
But ere we could arrive* the point propos'd,
Did from the flames of Troy upon his shoulder
Is now become a god; and Cassius is
A wretched creature, and must bend his body,
If Cæsar carelessly but nod on him.
And, when the fit was on him, I did mark
And that same eye, whose bend doth awe the world,
Ay, and that tongne of his, that bade the Romans
CXXXIII.-SPEECH OF BRUTUS TO THE ROMANS, JUSTIFYING HIS ASSASSINATION OF CESAR.
Extract from Shakspeare. Julius Cæsar.-Act 3-Scene 2.
ROMANS, Countrymen, and lovers!t hear me for my cause; and be silent that you may hear: believe me for mine honor; and have respect to mine honor, that you may believe: censure me in your wisdom; and awake your senses that you may the better judge. If there be any in this assembly, any dear friend of Cæsar's, to him I say, that Brutus' love to Cæsar was no less than his. If then that friend demand, why Bru
"Arrive the point," for arrive at the point: the verb arrive is used without the preposition at by other writers.
tus rose against Cæsar, this is my answer,-Not that I loved Cæsar less, but that I loved Rome more. Had you rather Cæsar were living, and die all slaves; than that Cæsar were dead, to live all freemen? As Cæsar loved me, I weep for him; as he was fortunate, I rejoice at it; as he was valiant, I honor him: but, as he was ambitious, I slew him: There are tears, for his love; joy, for his fortune; honor, for his valour; and death, for his ambition. Who is here so base, that would be a bondman? If any, speak; for him have I offended. Who is here so rude, that would not be a Roman ? If any, speak; for him have I offended. Who is here so vile, that will not love his country? If any, speak; for him have I offended. I pause for a reply.
None ?-Then none have I offended. I have done no more to Cæsar, than you should do to Brutus. The question of his death, is enrolled in the capitol his glory not extenuated wherein he was worthy; nor his offences enforced, for which he suffered death.
Here comes his body, mourned by Mark Antony: who though he had no hand in his death, shall receive the benefit of his dying, a place in the commonwealth; As which of you shall not? With this I depart; That, as I slew my best lover for the good of Rome, I have the same dagger for myself, when it shall please my country to need my death.
CXXXIV.--CHARACTER OF CHARLES JAMES FOX.
Extract from Mr. Burke's Speech on Mr. Fox's East India Bill, in the House of Commons, December, 1783.
Mr. Speaker,-HAVING now done my duty to the bill, let me say a word to the author. I should leave him to his own noble sentiments, if the unworthy and illiberal language, with which he has been treated, beyond all example of par. liamentary liberty, did not make a few words necessary; not so much in justice to him, as to my own feelings. I must say, then, that it will be a distinction honorable to the age, that the rescue of the greatest number of the human race that ever were so grievously oppressed, from the greatest tyranny that was ever exercised, has fallen to the lot of abili.
ties and dispositions equal to the task; that it has fallen to one who has the enlargement to comprehend, the spirit to undertake, and the eloquence to support, so great a measure of hazardous benevolence. His spirit is not owing to his ignorance of the state of men and things; he well knows what snares are spread about his path, from personal animosity, from court intrigues, and possibly from popular delusion. But he has put to hazard his ease, his security, his interest, his power, even his darling popularity, for the benefit of a people whom he has never seen. This is the road that all heroes have trod before him. He is traduced and abused for his supposed motives. He will remember, that obloquy is a necessary ingredient in the composition of all true glory: he will remember, that it was not only the Roman customs, but it is in the nature and constitution of things, that calumny and abuse are essential parts of triumph. These thoughts will support a mind, which only exists for honor, under the burden of temporary reproach. He is doing indeed a great good, such as rarely falls to the lot, and almost as rarely coincides with the desires of any man. Let him use his time. Let him give the whole length of the reins to his benevolence. He is now on a great eminence, where the eyes of mankind are turned to him. He may live long; he may do much. But here is the summit. He never can exceed what he does this day.
CXXXV. THE ALLEGED OPPRESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
Extract from the Speech of Mr. Mc Duffie, of South Carolina, upon the Tariff, delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, April 26, 1830.
Mr. Chairman,-I feel that I am called upon to say a word or two on the subject of the deep excitement which now exists in South Carolina, and to vindicate the motives and the char. acter of the people of that State from imputations which have been unjustly cast upon them. There is no State in this Union distinguished by a more lofty and, disinterested patriotism, than that which I have the honor, in part, to repreI can proudly and confidently appeal to history for