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330 CONG....20 Sess.
Invalid Pensions-Mr. Fenton.
Ho. OF REPs.
in this regard, is what I would remedy. We give Of the fifty-four thousand, eight hundred and action of past Congresses in a complaining spirit, pensions to women, not because they were the thirty-three soldiers of the Revolution, who were in paying those patriotic men (or their heirs) who wives, or are the widows, of the soldiers, but | pensioned by the acts of 1818, 1828, and 1832, only came here from a foreign land, and heroically because their husbands lost their lives in the ser- one thousand and sixty-nine remain, and these fought by the side of our brave people, in their vice of their country. The principle of giving are rapidly passing away. The money which we struggle for independence. Such sacrifice and de pensions to the widows of those whose husbands have annually expended for this class of pension- votion to our infant struggle, which ended in the have died in the service, is now applied to navy ers will more than pay the sums due the invalids establishment of a form of Government most percases, but the second marriage barrier is inter- of 1812. We have abundant means now in the fect, and adopting a system of institutions the posed even against them. This amendment places | Treasury, and we are bound, by every considera- most liberal and free of any on earth, and which ihe Army and Navy upon an equal footing, tion of honor and justice, to act promptly in dis- we now in great fullness enjoy, should not go I had intended to modify my amendment so as charging a debt so sacred.
unrequited. A grateful people, and a just and to direct payment to those who received injuries It is supposed by some that our pension list is generous Government should be active in discharg. while in the line of duty, from the date of their dis- | quite large, but when it is considered that four ing all its obligations and duties to those who ability. The whole number of Army invalid pen- hundred and seventy-one thousand six hundred fought the battles for its establishment, or for its sioners on the rolls as appears from the report of and twenty-two men were engaged in the war of perpetuation in after time, whether native or alien the Commissioner of Pensions, under date of Octo- 1812, and two hundred and thirty-four thousand born. ber 10, 1854, was five thousand and six, and the four hundred and ninety-five in the subsequent
And in alluding to this matter, sir, I am renumber paid during the year ending with that date, wars, including the Mexican-making a grand minded of another topic, now attracting much four thousand four hundred and eighty-six. aggregate of seven hundred and six thousand one public attention, and in reference to which I trust
The number of Navy invalids now on the rolls hundred and seventeen-it is a matter of wonder ihe House will indulge me in offering a few obis four hundred and ninety-seven, and it is sup- that the number of invalids is so small-appar- servations, although not germane to the subject I posed they have mostly, if not wholly, been pen- ently small, in comparison with the number of rose to discuss. sioned from the date of their wounds. In fact, men who were in the service; so small, indeed, A new element has recently appeared mingling sir, such was the practice of the Government in as to induce the belief that there are many meri- itself in our political contests, or perhaps I should all cases--Army and Navy-down to 1820; and torious soldiers who have failed to receive pen. say an old element reorganized and newly develI have never believed that the construction given sions, owing to the difficulty of obtaining the strict oped, under auspices that have lent to it a present to the act of 1820, by the Commissioner of Pen- || proof required at the Pension Office. Every Rep- importance that many reflecting minds are confi. sions, under the operation of which these men resentative knows that cases are often presented to dent will hardly be sustained in the future. were pensioned only from the completion of their Congress, where the parties are unable to bring I approach this subject not without hesitation, proofs, was in conformity to the spirit of the law themselves within the existing laws. In fact, sir, because of the mystery in which the Know-Nothor the intention of the law-makers, and scarcely | my attention was first drawn to the investigation ing party have seen fit to envelope their purposes, to be tolerated by the letter. Hon. Benjamin F. of this subject from the applications of many of and the machinery by which they accomplish their Butler, then Aitorney General of the United | my constituents, which I had the honor to pre- ends. Notwithstanding some of the results of States, in speaking of this matter, says:
sent for the action of this body; and every step I their initiatory movements may be said to be sal“But I am distinctly informed by the Commissioner of
take in the examination awakens fresh interest in utary, their mode of warfare in concealing their Pensions that this was the only limitation imposed by the the rights and equities of this misused and neg. forces in ambush, from whence they assail their usage of the office, prior to the act of 15th May, 1820, on lected class of our fellow-citizens, and renews my opponents without exposing themselves, might the payment of pensions for disabilities under the act of zeal and determination to do all in my power to
lead to a suspicion of the correctness of their prin1612; and where the party left the Army at the time he was disabled, the pension was considered as accruing from the cause this Congress to wash its hands of the deep çiples, and the patriotism of their designs. So far, date of the disability, no matter when the testimony was injustice.
however, as they have seen proper to proclaim completed or produced.”
The soldiers' convention at Philadelphia, in the ends they have in view, there is much that It is not my purpose, however, to find fault | 1854, and again in this city in 1855, passed strong
deserves attention and examination. with the construction of our pension laws; but I resolutions urging Congress to pay invalid pen
There was a condition of the public mind, insist that those men who entered the service in sioners from the date of their disability; and the produced by leprous political organizations, and the war of 1812 had a right to expect pensions people expect their Representatives will extend, an anti-Democratic and mischievous policy of from the date of their disabilities; in fact, sir, it at least, this act of justice to the men who fought those in power, that seemed to invite à popular was an implied obligation on the part of this our battles, and shed their blood in defense of demonstration, which, if it did not strike the Government towards its soldiers—a contract, to their country's rights and independence.
ancient order of things to the ground, should, at all intents and purposes, for all persons who We have not been over scrupulous or cautious | least, teach politicians a lesson which would lead entered the service under that law had good reason in passing acts when more money, and for more to a correction of some of the existing abuses, to expect that, if they should become disabled, guestionable purposes were involved; and, in some for long years practiced. To this state of the they would be allowed pensions according to the instances, when the peace and quiet of the country | public mind may be attributed the rapid progress nature of their disabilities, to commence from the was jeoparded.
which this party has made from very small time when they should cease to receive the pay But to speak of expenditures. We paid beginnings to a power that is not to be treated and emoluments of the service. It was in view $10,000,000 for a poor strip of Mexican territory, with ridicule or indifference, but which, on the of the acts of 1780, 1790, 1802, and of January 11, it has been asserted to accommodate a few men contrary, is entitled to our candid consideration. 1812, to raise an additional military force, &c., who seek to build, with the aid of Government, a In the late elections it has manifested a strength as well as other regulations and laws never re- railroad along our southern border, from the Gulf and vigor that characterizes the maturity of age, pealed, that many brave men presented their to the Pacific coast. One half that expenditure will and an efficiency of organization which has conbreasts to the enemy, and received the blow which satisfy a much larger number of persons who have, founded the counsels of party sages; and while it was aimed at their country. Our soldiers had a in time past, with their valor and blood acquired is true, the good and the evil of this world are right to expect, when they entered the service of thrice, aye, ten times the domain, and brought it often found mingled together in human affairs, it the United States—as every man of fair sense as a legacy to our common country:
is truly unfortunate that an organization of such understood our laws to determine and mean that We have authorized the outlay of millions more early manhood and strength, should be vulnerif he should become disabled while in the line of in building war steamers. Urged by considera- able to the charge of an illiberal and proscriptive his duty in the public service, he should receive tions of economy, patriotism, and policy, should | spirit and tendeney. an allowance according to the degree of his dis- we not be prompt in paying these men, at an out- I freely admit the existence of evils growing out ability, for life, or during disability, and such was lay not half as great? Then, sir, if our country
of the system of tactics adopted or practised by the uniform practice prior !o 1820, as before is again unfortunately brought in hostile conflict | both political parties in their relations to our remarked; and while I disclaim the intention of with a foreign Power, the descendants of these adopted citizens. Their prejudices, as a class, have reviewing the authority and correctness of Colonel patriots will fly to our country's standard, ready too often been appealed to, and their suffrages seEdwards's (then, and for nearly a quarter of a and able to push back the first iread of the invader. cured by means alike discreditable and pernicious, century, Commissioner of Pensions) construction They will people our armies; build and man our and so far as this order may correct this and other of the act, I may be allowed, in conclusion upon navies; and make a more permanent and invulner- evils of the old organizations, it has my approval this point, to say, the effect of that construction is able defense, than can be had in coast and coun- and cooperation. to repeal the laws of Congress, and repudiate con- | try encircled with walled fortifications, and seas The purity of our elective franchise depends on tracts which were made by the Government with covered with mounted gun-ships. The love and the influences that control its exercise, and, therethe soldiers when they entered the service. devotion of those whom the Government had fore, all appeals to the cupidity, ambition, or
To return-of the four thousand, four hundred justly and gratefully rewarded, would be for our prejudices of the electors should be discountenanced and eighty-six invalid pensioners, it is estimated, country—its pride and greatness in peace, and its by every friend of our institutions. But surely and I think with great correctness, that about strength in war. Nor have we, in individual cases these good ends can be accomplished by open one fourth have been paid from the date of their of service in the revolutionary war, or the war of means, without infringing upon the acknowledged wounds, leaving to be provided for three thousand | 1812, shown a parsimony or undue degree of con- || rights of any of our citizens, or doing violence to three hundred and sixty-four, and estimating the servatism upon this subject. We appropriated sentiments which recognize the brotherhood of average amount due these men, at $500 each, for the payment of the heirs of Baron de Kalb which is a liberal computation, it will require to $66,000, and at this I do not complain; I think it The first general idea that has attracted my pay them, $1,682,000. But suppose it should re- just and proper; but, while we are liberal in this notice, said to be partially embraced in the designe quire $2,000,000, the income of the Government direction, let us not fail to do simple justice to our of this party, is a restriction upon emigration to for two weeks will pay them; an inconsiderable own needy and worthy Army invalids, who fought this country from other nations. That the emisum indeed, in comparison with our boundless perhaps in an humbler sphere, but with equal merit gration hither of the criminals and paupers of resources, and the patriotic purpose to which it is | and valor.
Europe, giving to us ihe dregs of a population applied.
I make no reference to our action, or the 'l which the reformatory laws and regulations of
despotic Governments have cast out, even of their of which I have been speaking. We have claimed discord which might lead to a dissolution of the jurisdiction as unwholesome, should be prohibited, for ourselves the purpose of civilizing, christian- Union. These were my honest convictions then, cannot, I apprehend, admit of a serious doubt. | izing, and elevating the human race. Is this to and the course of things since goes far to confirm The committee of which I have the honor of being be accomplished, or accelerated, by adopting an me in the belief that those convictions were right. a member, have had this subject under considera- exclusive or restrictive policy in relation to our- I have reason to believe that a great many southtion, and have reported a bill carefully guarded, selves and our privileges and rights? by building ern gentlemen in this House, and the Senate, dis. and of great stringency upon this subject, which walls and barriers against those who differ from charged what they conceived to be their duty in if adopted, I confidently hope will remedy, to a us only in the tenets of religious faith, or in the voting for the Nebraska and Kansas bill as considerable extent, the growing evil. On the accidental circumstance of the place of their na- honestly as I did mine in voting against it, and other hand, that obstructions should be placed in tivity, which they cannot pass; and by closing I concede that much to all: 1 claim no more for the way of the intelligent, industrious, sober, and our hearts and our sympathies against their deep | myself than what I cheerfully allow to others. enterprising men, who seek a home in this pro- | anxiety and hope for a common brotherhood, and It may be that they were righi; time can and will claimed “land of the free and home of the op- their earnest desire to share with us a common show whether they were or not. I make no prepressed” with the hope of bettering their condition, and glorious inheritance? Sir, these are questions tensions to infallibility for myself. When my I cannot believe will be tolerated, on due reflection, that, to a true American, require no answer. The judgment errs—and no man's is always right-1 by any liberal mind. Let us inquire, Mr. Speaker, if it would not be appropriate response, I apprehend, is already upon shall go wrong; for while, in public lite, that'shall
be the great and sole director of my public acis. better, more in accordance with the spirit and will 'spring quick from the heart of a heaven-I need not say, that if I had consulted a selfish genius of our institutions, that while we guard so favored and magnanimous people. These men policy, that I would have voted differently. My far as we may against the evils I have referred to, are our brethren, for our common Father “ hath Democratic friends would then have been estopped we should turn our attention with renewed interest | made, of one blood, all nations of men to dwell from opposing me, or assailing my course upon to “Americanizing,” if I may be allowed the use on all the face of the earth.” Let us then, so far this question; and, whatever the results arising of the term, the foreign population now among us, as practicable, elevate, disenthrall, and redeem from the passage of the bill, I could have taken and those who may hereafter come to our shores. those who are cast among us, from the vices and refuge under the covering of able and distinThis foreign element is already here, and its mag- errors of their years in a foreign land, under Gov: guished statesmen of my own party from my own nitude and importance will be increased. Causes ernments and with people less just and less favored section, and could have pointed to their course to beyond our control have long ago settled this ques- than our own.
excuse mine with my Whig friends. But, sir, I tion. The manner in which these people are lo If this new movement shall design, or have the will never take such refuge; I would rather now, be received and treated, presents a grave and im- effect, to ignore or expel the anti-slavery sentiment in the beginning of life, sacrifice every hope for portant question which we must meet.
of the North, its deep and justly indignant anathe- || political favor and preferment. be likely to forget their early habits and impres- || mas at the strides of the slave power, its condem
I voted with the friends of the bill upon all presions, to regard our country and its laws with favor, nation of the late iniquitous legislation, which, if || liminary questions. I was willing to meet the and become the earnest promoters of its interests not resolutely and patriotically met and over- issue, and let the majority pass it, aster it had in peace, and the defenders of its safety in war, if thrown, is to carry slavery into the fair regions been so shaped as to force me to vote against it. we close our hearts and our sympathies against once dedicated to freedom, then truly may every I felt then, as I feel now, that when my constitthem, and treat them as a proscribed and sug- lover of freedom deplore its triumph.
uents looked into the matter for themselves, pected people? Will they not remain among us, I have feared, sir, that it had congeniality in the when the practical operations of this bill were felt aliens in sentiment and feeling, as well as in char- | South, because they discover in it the principle or and seen, that my vote would be vindicated. With acter and condition ? Will not the unavoidable element which sympathises and extends fostering the most distinguished Whigs in my State against effect of an intolerant and exclusive policy be, to aid to their schemes for not merely staying the tide me on this question, and with not a press in the unite and combine the foreign population in a of emigration to the new Territories, but of impos- | State openly defending my course, and with the community of feeling and of interest, and place | ing disabilities upon emigrants which shall deprive great parade that it was a southern measure them beyond the influence of the sentiments that them of power to turn into the channels of 'free- heralded over the whole South, I felt that I was in fill our own bosoms as American citizens, proud dom their early legislation. If the question of danger of being overwhelmed without a hearing, of our country, and solicitous of its welfare? In freedom is to be in the least subordinated by this But, sir, there is an intuitive good sense amongst this condition, would they not form in our social new party, then is a paramount reason furnished our people that rarely ever allows them to err in and political economy an element of weakness, if for opposing it, for no organization should be their judgment of men or measures. They may not of danger? These, it seems to me, sir, are allowed for one moment to override the anti-sla | for a while be led by false lights. They may make interesting inquiries, and demand the honest inves- very sentiment of the North, aroused and placed up their judgmeni occasionally, before a fair ex. tigation and conscientious action of every one on the defensive through the late alarming en- amination of the subject-matter; but a sober second who may be in a position to influence the direction croachments of the slave power.
thought will always correct that hasty judgment, of public affairs.
and that sober second thought is sure to come. The experience of the world may be safely con
In my own State, I find a great many of all Bulted as a guide in this matter. The endless NEBRASKA AND KANSAS-ALIEN SUFFRAGE
classes and grades, agreeing with me upon this contests in almost every other country on earth,
question and approving my course. I find a great between classes and conditions, the oppressed and
many more of both political parties who condemn the free, the privileged and proscribed, furnish
the bill as most injudicious and unwise in its lessons of instruction and warning; they serve as SPEECH OF HON. SION H. ROGERS, inception, and a great many I find who entertain heacon-lights to warn the thoughtless and indiffer
OF NORTH CAROLINA,
the opinion that it embodies the true doctrine. So nt of impending danger. Philanthropy, instead
far as I have heard, they all do me the justice to of self-interest, wisdom and not passion, should
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, admit that I discharged honestly my duty as a influence our reflections upon this subject; and,
February 15, 1855.
Representative, according to my best judgment, thus actuated, we need not fear that we shall go
The House being in the Committee of the Whole in giving the vote I did. And, sir, I do them the very far astray. The intelligent judgment of a on the state of the Union
justice to say that, although they differ with me, great and noble people, in whose veins course the
I know they entertain honestly the opinions they liest blood of many races, will settle the question
Mr. ROGERS said:
express. Then, sir, it is right and proper to in accordance with the rights of all the parties, the Mr. CHAIRMAN: I regret that I feel that it is in- examine the bill and see who is right. With that dictates of enlightened civilization, the best inter- cumbent upon me to ask the indulgence of the view, I have asked the indulgence of the House. ests of the country, and the spirit of the age. House, and especially do I regret it when I pro- Bills have been introduced at every session of
But this is a subject, sir, with which, I appre- pose to speak of the principles contained in a bill Congress for the last several years, proposing, to hend, the Congress of the United States have little which passed at the last session of this Congress. organize a territorial government for Nebraska. to do. We are authorized by the Constitution to It is, however, due to myself and expected of me For reasons which appear in the debates, which provide “uniform naturalization laws," defining by my constituents. I, with a few southern gen- reasons it is not necessary for me to review here, the time and the manner in which foreign born tlemen, voted against the Nebraska and Kansas all those bills were rejected. December 14, 1853, persons, emigrating to this country, shall become bill, in opposition to a large majority, composed Mr. Dodge, of Iowa, introduced into the Senate recognized citizens of the Republic. It is left of both political parties, from the South. For all a bill proposing the same thing, which bill was wholly to the several States to determine what those gentlemen I have the highest respect. In- | referred to the Committee on Territories, and Janclass of persons shall be allowed to exercise the deed, sir, for some of them in this and the other | uary 4, 1854, a substitute was reported to the elective franchise, and the terms upon which they end of the Capitol, my attachment was so great, Senate, accompanied with a report by Mr. Dougo may be eligible to office pertaining to State juris- and my deference to their better judgment so po- At that time the whole country was quiet, diction. In these respects the States are sovereign tential, that for a time I was made to hesitate and in this Hall no disposition was manifested, within that sphere, and beyond the control of the what course I should pursue. I tried to believe | by any member, that I saw or heard of, to agitate Federal Government. No " uniform rule”in State that they were right. I read their speeches, and about slavery, except by the member from Ohio, action can be established; each State will decide conversed with a great many of them in the hope || [Mr. GIDDINGS,), whose singular and, as I think, for itself, and each may differ in its regulations that I might be convinced of an error in my own | unpatriotic vocation it is, and the distinguished from the other. As long as the States make no judgment. But, sir, the more I examined the member from New York, (Mr. Smith, whose claim to exercise the prerogative of making citizens bill, the more conversation I had with the friends || speeches were tolerated because of the highly honof the United States, they do not encroach upon of the bill, the more thoroughly I became satisfied orable and universally courteous manner of their the acknowledged province of Congress.
that the principles established in it were not the distinguished and Christian, yet erratic, and, I I have regarded the mission of this country, true principles which should be incorporated in think, misled author. The angry feelings arising Mr. Speaker, with somewhat different views than our territorial bills, that it was pregnant with mis- out of the controversy of 1850 had become reconit would seem are cherished by the organization chief to the South, and had in it the elements of Il ciled, and both the great political parties, influenced
33D CONG....20 Sess.
Nebraska and Kansas, &C.--Mr. Rogers.
Ho. OF Reps.
by the almost universal feeling of the people of the mittee deem it their duty to commend to the favor- ted States, under the name of Louisiana; which lies north whole country at their respective conventions, held able action of the Senate, in a special report, are
of 36° 30' north latitude, not included within the limits of
the Siate contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary in 1852, to nominate their candidates for President those in which the principles established by the
servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes and Vice-President, declared that they would not compromise measures of 1850, 80 far as they are whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted. shall further agilate the slavery question in Congress applicable to territorial organizations, are proposed be, and is hereby, forever prohibited : Provided always, or out of it. The Democratic convention passed, to be affirmed and carried into practical operation
That any person escaping into the same, from whom labor
or service is lawfully claimed, in any State or Territory of among others, the following resolution: within the limits of the new Territory.
the United States, such fugiuve may be lawfully reclaimed, “5. Resolved, That ibe Democratic party will regist all " The wisdom of those measures is attested, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agita- not less by their salutary and beneficial effects, in service, as aforesaid.' tion of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color
allaying sectional agitation, and restoring peace the attempt may be made.»
“Under this section, as in the case of the Mexand harmony to an irritated and distracted people, ican law in New Mexico and Utah, it is a disThe Whigs, at their convention, passed the
than by the cordial and almost universal appro, puted point whether slavery is prohibited in the following resolution:
bation with which they have been received and “ Resolved, That the series of acts of the Thirty-First
Nebraska country by valid enactment. The desanctioned by the whole country. In the judg. Congress, commonly known as the compromise adjust
cision of this question involves the constitutional ment, (the act for the recovery of fugitives from labor in- ment of your committee, those measures were cluded) are received and acquiesced in by the Whigs of intended to have a far more comprehensive and regulating the domestic institutions of the various
power of Congress to pass laws prescribing and the United States as a final settlement in principle and enduring effect than the mere adjustment of the Territories of the Union. In the opinion of those substance, ofthe subjects to which they relale : and, so far difficulties arising out of the recent acquisition of eminent statesmen who hold that Congress is inas these acts are concerned, we will maintain them, and insist on their strict enforcement until tine and experience
Mexican territory. They were designed to estab- | vested with no rightful authority to legislate upon shall demonstrate the necessity of further legislation 10 lish certain great principles, which would not only the subject of slavery in the Territories, the eighth guard against the invasion of laws on the one hand, and the furnish adequate remedies for existing evils, but, section of the act preparatory to the admission of abuse of their present efficiency to carry out the require. in all time to come, avoid the perils of a similar | Missouri is null and void; while the prevailing ments of the Constitution; and we deprecate all further agitation of the questions thus settled, as dangerous to our
agitation, by withdrawing the question of slavery | sentiment in large portions of the Union sustains peace, and will discountenance all efforts to continue or from the Halls of Congress and ihe political arena, the doctrine that the Constitution of the United renew such agitation, whenever, wherever, or however
and committing it to the arbitrament of those who made ; and we will maintain this settlement as essential to
States secures to every citizen an inalienable right the nationality of the Whig party, and the integrity of the
are immediately interested in, and alone respon- to move into any of the Territories with his proUnion," sible for, its consequences.
perty, of whatever kind and description, and to With those solemn resolves, made on those im
“ With the view of conforming their action to hold and enjoy the same under the sanction of portant occasions, the two great political parties
what they regard the settled policy of the Gov- law. Your committee do not feel themselves went into the canvass, and all over the country ernment, sanctioned by the approving voice of the
called upon to enter into the discussion of these conpledged themselves to stand by their platforms,
American people, your committee have deemed it troverted questions. They involve the same grave and in good faith to carry out their resolves. The
their duty to incorporate and perpetuate in their issues which produced the agitation, the sectional election resulted in favor of the Democratic candi
territorial bill the principles and spirit of those strife, and the fearful struggle of 1850. As Condate; a large Democratic majority was returned to measures. If any other considerations were neces
gress deemed it wise and prudent to refrain from this House; and the “ball was opened,” not with
sary to render the propriety of this course imper- deciding the matters in controversy then, either the discussion of the slavery question, but with
ative upon the committee, they may be found in by affirming or repealing the Mexican laws, or by a quarrel between factions of the Democratic
the fact that the Nebraska country occupies the an act declaratory of the true intent of the Conparty, about the spoils. We heard of nothing
same relative position to the slavery question as but the Hards and the Softs; the Hunkers and the did New Mexico and Utah, when those Territories by it to slave property in the Territories, so your
stitution, and the extent of the
protection afforded Barnburners; the Old Line Democrats, &c. From were organized.
committee are not prepared now to recommend a the developments made in these discussions, it
" It was a disputed point whether slavery was
departure from the course pursued on that memorappeared that Abolitionists and Free-Soilers had prohibited by law in the country acquired from
able occasion, either by affirming or repealing the been placed in lucrative and responsible positions.
Mexico. On the one hand, it was contended, as a eighth section of the Missouri act, or by any act From these developments it was circulated in legal proposition, that slavery, having been pro
claratory of the meaning of the Constitution in the South-whether true or not I have not time hibited by the enactments of Mexico, according to
respect to the legal points in dispute. now to argue-to the annoyance of southern Dem
the laws of nations, we received the country with • Your committee deem it fortunate for the peace ocrats that the Administration was seeking to all its local laws and domestic institutions attached
of the country and the security of the Union, that "crush out" the true Democrats of the North,
to the soil, so far as they did not conflict with the the controversy then resulted in the adoption of and to build up and sustain, by Executive patronConstitution of the United States; and that a law
the compromise measures which the two great age, the Buffalo or Van Buren wing of the party. either protecting or prohibiting slavery, was not
political parties, with singular unanimity, have In the South, the Administration was defended by repugnant to that instrument, as was evidenced by affirmed as a cardinal article of their faith, and the Democratic press, and by Democratic orators,
the fact that one half of the States of the Union proclaimed to the world as a final settlement of the upon the ground that old differences had been tolerated, while the other half prohibited, the insti
controversy, and an end of the agitation. A due healed up, and that all stood upon the Baltimore tution of slavery. On the other hand, it was in
respect, therefore, for the avowed opinions of Senplatform, Hards and Softs, Barnburners, Hunksisted, that, by virtue of the Constitution of the
ators, as well as a proper sense of patriotic duty, ers, and all. This quarrel was confined almost
United States, every citizen had a right to remove entirely to politicians and office-seekers; or at
to any Territory of ihe Union, and carry his prop- necessity of a strict adherence to the principles, and
enjoins upon your committee the propriety and least extended only to a few localities. The people erty with him, under the protection of law, whether
even a literal adoption of the enactments, of that were quiet; crimination and recrimination was that property consisted in persons or things. The adjustment in all their territorial bills, so far as no longer indulged in between the North and the
difficulties arising from this diversity of opinion the same are not locally inapplicable. Those enactSouth. In all sections a proper fraternal feeling
were greatly aggravated by the fact that there
ments embrace, among other things less material was springing again into life. The Abolitionisis were many persons, on both sides of the legal con.
to the matters under consideration, the following were growing by degrees fewer and fewer every troversy, who were unwilling to abide the decision provisions: day, and in numbers, "beautifully less.” In this of the courts on the legal matters in dispute; thus,
166 When admitted as a State, the said Territory, or any condition of things it was that a bill to organize
among those who claimed that the Mexican laws portion of the same, shall be received into the Union, with the territorial government for Nebraska was re
were still in force, and consequently that slavery or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at ported back to the Senate on the 4th of January, was already prohibited in those Territories by
the time of their admission.' 1854, with the report which I have before alluded valid enactment, there were many who insisted
“* That the legislative power and authority of said Ter
ritory shall be vested in the Governor and a Legislative to. i desire to call the attention of the House and upon Congress making the matter certain, by en. Assembly.' the country to this report. The Senate deemed it acting another prohibition. In like manner, some 6. That the legislative power of said Territory shall exa document of great importance, for I find the fol- of those who argued that the Mexican laws had
tend to all rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with
the Constituuon of the United States and the provisions of lowing entry made on the report:
ceased to have any binding force, and that the Con
this aci; but no law sball be passed interfering with the « January 4, 1854—Ordered to be printed, and that five
stitution tolerated and protected slave property primary disposal of the soil; no tax shall be imposed upon thousand additional copies be printed for the use of the
in those Territories, were unwilling to trust the the property of the United States, nor shall the lands or Senate.”
decision of the courts upon that point, and insisted
other property of non-residents be taxed bigher than the In one respect, which I will notice hereafter, that Congress should, by direct enactment, remove
lands or other property of residents.
«« Writs of error and appeals from the final decisions of the report is not consistent with the bill which ac- all legal obstacles to the introduction of slaves into said supreme court shall be allowed, and may be taken to companied it. First, however, to the report, and
the Supreme Court of the United States in the same man. I beg leave to read the whole of it:
“Such being the character of the controversy
ner, and under the same regulations, as from the circuit
courts of the United States, where the value of the prop“The Committee on Territories, to which was in respect to the territory acquired from Mexico,
erty or the amount in controversy, to be ascertained by the referred a bill for an act to establish the Territory
a similar question has arisen in regard to the right oath or affirmation of either party, or other competent witof Nebraska, have given the same that serious and
to hold slaves in the proposed Territory of Ne- ness, shall exceed $1,000, except only that in all cases deliberate consideration which its great importance
braska when the Indian laws shall be withdrawn, I involving title to slaves, the said writs of error or appeals
shall be allowed and decided by the said supreme court,
and the country thrown open to emigration and demands, and beg leave to report it back to the
without regard to the value of the matter, property, or title
settlement. By the eighth section of an act to in controversy; and except, also, that a writ of error or Senate, with various amendments, in the form of a substitute for the bill."
authorize the people of the Missouri Territory to appeal shall also be allowed to the Supreme Court of the form a constitution and State government, and for
United States, from the decisions of the said supreme court The report is headed with the declaration that
created by this act, or of any judge, or of the district courts the admission of such State into the Union on
created by this act, or of any judge thereof, upon any writ the bill was one of great importance, and that it an equal footing with the original States, and to of habeas corpus involving the question of personal freehad had the "serious and deliberate considera- | prohibit slavery in certain Territories,' approved dom; and cach of the said district courts shall have and tion" of the committee. The report then goes on: March 6, 1820, it was provided:
exercise the same jurisdiction in all cases arising under the
Constitution and laws of the United States as is vested in “ The principal amendments which your coma « «That in all that territory ceded by France to the Uni- the curcuit and district courts of the United States, and the 330 CONG....20 Sess.
Nebraska and Kansas, &c.—Mr. Rogers.
Ho. OF REPS.
said supreme and district courts of the said Territory, and who shall be an actual resident of said Territory, and shall by the Senate's committee? The "right of suffrage the respective judges thereof, shall and may grant writs of possess the qualifications hereinafter prescribed, shall be
and of holding office shall be exercised only by habeas corpus in all cases in wbich the same are granted by entitled to vote at the first election, and shall be eligible to the Judges of the United States in the District of Colum- any office within the said Territory; but the qualifications
citizens of the United States, and those who shall bia?
of voters, and of holding office, at all subsequent elections, have declared, on oath, their intention to become “ To which may be added the following prop
shall be such as shall be prescribed by the Legislative Assem- such, and shall have taken an oath to support the
bly: Provided, That the right of suttrage and of holding office osition, affirmed by the act of 1850, known as
Constitution of the United States and the provisshall be exercised only by citizens of the United States, and the fugitive slave law: those who shall have declared, on oath, their intention to
ions of this act. “That the provisions of the Act respecting become such, and shall have taken an oath to support the Under this provision, every nation upon the fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from
Constitution of the United States and the provisions of this habitable globe might empty her population into the service of their masters,' approved February
our borders, and within a few days after their ap. 2, 1793, and the provisions of the Act to
There is a further proviso in this section relative
pearance among us they could be transferred to the amend, and supplementary to the aforesaid act,' to officers, seamen, &c., which it is not necessary | Nebraska Territory and, as if by magic, would be approved September 18, 1850, shall extend to,
for me to read, as it refers to persons in our Navy || invested with all the rights of an American-born and be in force in, all the organized Territories, and Army, and which I will speak of further on
citizen. Paupers, fugitives from justice, outlaws, as well as in the various States of the Union. in my remarks.
and inmates of dungeons, when ihey become too “ From these provisions, it is apparent that the
From these provisions it is clear, beyond dis- numerous to be detained without being burdencompromise measures of 1850 affirm and rest upon
pute, that, by the measures of 1850, no person some to their Governments, land upon American the following propositions:
except an American citizen was entitled to the soil, declare their intentions to become citizens, in the Territories, and in the new States to be ritories of Utah and New Mexico; and in the United States, and in a day, a week, or a month,
take an oath to support the Constitution of the “ First: That all questions pertaining to slavery right of suffrage and of holding office in the Terformed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of
term American citizens are included only persons are American citizens, with the right to vote, and the people residing therein, by the appropriate naturalized according to our general naturalization
the right to hold office. If American citizenship representatives, to be chosen by them for that pur- recognized as citizens by the treaty with the Re- highly
the birth-right of which we so much boast,
is to be so easily attained, I think we estimate too pose.
“ Second: That all cases involving title to public of Mexico, concluded February 2, 1848. and of which our fathers were so justly proud. slaves,' and questions of personal freedom,' are
Whether that provision in the treaty was right of foreigners who iminigrate to our country there referred to the adjudication of the local tribunals,
or not I will not argue, because I may, and am is a different class. Some of them are useful and with the right of appeal to the Supreme Court of willing to, concede that it was. But, sir, is no good men, but with the good and useful we get the United States.
wisdom to be learned by experience? Under the the bad and wicked. The good and useful assist “ Third: That the provisions of the Constitu- necessities of the case imposed by the treaty, in enriching our great and growing nation; the tion of the United States in respect to fugitives Mexican people were, in the bills of 1850, in- bad and wicked fill our poor-houses and our from service is to be carried into faithful execu- vested with the right of suffrage and of holding | prisons, disturb the good order of communities tion in all the organized Territories,' the same as office. The treaty by which the Territories of by rious and brawls, and pour into our midst a in the States. The substitute for the bill, which
New Mexico and' Utah were acquired, declared poisonous compound, dangerous to our national your committee have prepared, and which is com
that Mexicans transferred with the soil should well being. mended to the favorable action of the Senate, pro- have all the rights and privileges of American citi- I think I have illustrated that there was a dif. poses to carry these propositions and principles zens. And, sir, what has been the result of ad. || ference, and a very material one, between the bills into practical operation, in the precise language of mitting to citizenship a large number of foreigners, of 1850, and the substitute prepared by the Senthe compromise measures of 1850.”
before they have passed through a proper and ate committee. By referring to the sections of the This is the entire report, and now I will proceed becoming pupilage? It can be shown by a refer bills which I have read, there is another difference to examine it. As I stated before, in one particu
ence to the proceedings in this Hall during the which, I must confess, I can see no reason for. lar the report is inconsistent with the bill which
last session of this Congress. See Congressional | In the Mexican and Utah bills, the language is: accompanied it. On the first page of the printed Globe, vol. 28, part 1, page 128:
“ That every free white male inhabitant above report you will find this language:
“Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee. I rise to what the age of twenty-one years, who shall have been “ With the view of conforming their action to I consider a privileged question. I offer the fol
a resident of said Territory at the time of the what they regard the settled policy of the Gov- lowing resolution for the adoption of the House:
passage of this act, shall be entitled to vote at the ernment, sanctioned by the approving voice of the
“ Resolved, That Señor Jose MANUEL GALLEGOS, the first election, and shall be eligible to any office
sitting Delegate from the Territory of New Mexico, be American people, your committee have deemed it
within the said Territory,” &c. allowed to introduce an interpreter on the floor of the House their duty to incorporate and perpetuate, in their to eoable him to understand its proceedings; and that said In the substitute proposed by the Senate comterritorial bill, the principles and spirit of those interpreter be paid — dollars per diem out of the con- mittee, the language is: (the compromise) measures. tingent fund."
“That every free white male inhabitant above And on the third page you will find this lan
Mr.Orr objected to the resolution. Mr. Hunt the age of twenty-one years, who shall be an acguage:
inquired if it was introduced with the consent of | tual resident of said Territory,"&c. “A due respect, therefore, for the avowed opin- | the Delegate from New Mexico Mr. STANTON
Who shall be an actual resident of said Territory, ions of Senators, as well as a proper sense of said it was. The resolution was ruled out of
and at what time? Why, unquestionably the lan. patriotic duty, enjoins upon your committee the order.
guage in the Nebraska bill means personswho shall propriety and necessity of a strict adherence to the On page 492, of the same volume I find the fol- be actual residents at the time of the holding of the principles, and even a literal adoption of the en- lowing:
first election in the Territory, while the language actments of that adjustment in all their territorial “Mr. RICHARDSON. I ask the unanimous con- in the bill of 1850 authorizes only persons " who bills, so far as the same are not locally inappli- sent of the House to enable me to offer the follow- shall have been residents” of said Territories at cable." ing resolution:
the time of the passage of the acts to vote, and to To ascertain whether these declarations were “Resolved, That the Hon. Jose M. GALLEGOS, Delegate hold office. Why was this difference made? Was true or not, whether the committee did follow from New Mexico, be allowed to introduce within the it because there were no people in the Territory of strictly the letter or the spirit of the measures of
doors of the House of Representatives a person to act as Nebraska at the time of the passage of the bill
his interpreter, in order that he may more effectually un1850, it will be necessary to compare the bill re- derstand and participate in the proceedings of this body.'
except Indians? Whatever the reason was, let us ported with the bills for the organization of governments for New Mexico and Utah.
“ Mr. Wright, of Pennsylvania. I object to
see what might have been the effect of such a
change. By this substitute as proposed, and by In the bill for Utah, I find this section: that resolution.”
the Nebraska and Kansas bill, which is now a " Sec.5. And be it further enacted, That every free white In explanation, among other things, Mr. Rich. law, one who was an inmate of a dungeon, or of male inhabitant above the age of twenty-one years, who ARDSON said:
a poor-house, in Europe at the time of the passage shall have been a resident of said Territory at the time of the passage of this act, shall be entitled to vote at the first
“ Mr. Gallegos does not understand a word of the bill, might have voted at the first elections election, and shall be eligible to any office within the said of the English language, which is the misfortune in those Territories, and was eligible to a seat in Territory ; but the qualifications of voters, and of holding of his constituents; and this is not for his personal their first Legislatures, which Legislatures have office, ai all subsequent elections, shall be such as shall be prescribed by the Legislative Assembly: Provided, That convenience, but for the convenience of the people
to determine for the future the qualifications of ihe right of suffrage and of holding office shall be exercised he represents. I move to suspend the rules to
voters, and of those who shall hold office in those only by the citizens of the United States, including those enable me to offer the resolution.
Terrritories. I do not say that such persons are recognized as citizens by the treaty with the Republic of Mexico, concluded February 2, 1848.”
“The question was then taken; and (two-thirds
in these Territories; I do not pretend that if they Section six, in the bill organizing the governnot voting in favor thereof) the rules were not
were there, they would ever hold any office of ment for New Mexico, is precisely the same as
profit or trust; but, sir, I am speaking of what suspended.'
they might do under these bills. I think I have section five in the Utah bill, and the right of By the bills of 1850, no other foreign-born per- || shown that the substitute reported by the Senate suffrage, and of holding office, is extended to the sons were entitled to the right of suffrage and of committee contained in it important and very same class of persons in both. How is it with holding office except Mexicans, and no Mexicans objectionable features, which do not appear in the the substitute reported by the Senate committee? | except those who were transferred to our Govern- measures of 1850. Section five, in the substitute I will read the fifth section of the substitute, and | ment with the soil. And the necessity of invest- | which I have been commenting upon, is identically see whether or not the "propriety and necessity | ing that portion of the Mexican people with the the same as sections five and twenty-three of the of a strict adherence to the principles” of the rights and privileges of citizenship was imposed Nebraska and Kansas bill, against which I voted. measures of 1850, or “a literal adoption of the by the treaty of 1848, to which I have before At this point it is not unimportant to refer to enactments of that adjustment," was proposed.
alluded, and which was negotiated and concluded some facts in connection with the immense im. “Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That every free by Mr. Polk's Administration.
migration to this country and the character of a white male inhabitant above the age of twenty-one years,
How was it, sir, with the substitute reported | large number of the immigrants. For this purpose
I beg leave to extract some passages from a last mentioned year, was 134,792; and of this So that the proviso would read:
shall be exercised only by citizens of the United States." COOPER:
“In 1850 the number of paupers supported in the The question being taken, the amendment was “Senators are aware that a policy, which
poor-houses of Massachusetis, and who received | agreed io-yeas 23, nays 21; as follows:
“ YEAS-Messsg. Adams, Atchison, Badger, Bell, Benjaeral of the States of continental Europe, in virtue
This number 6,530 were native, and 9,247 for- min, Brodhead, Brown, Butler, Clay, Clayton, Dawson, of which, convicted and unconvicted criminals eigners. In New York the whole number was Dixon, Evans, Fitzpatrick, Houston, Hunter, Johnson,
Jones of Tennessee, Mason, Morton, Pratt, Sebastian, and and paupers are transported to the United States 59,855; and of this 19,275 were natives, and
Slidell-23. at the expense, and by the direction of their Gov. 40,580 foreigners. In Pennsylvania the whole “ NAYS--Messrs. Chase, Dodge of Wisconsin, Dodge ernments.”
“ There is scarcely
number was 11,551; and of this, 5,898 were na. of Iowa, Douglass, Fessenden, Fish, Foot, Gwin, Hamlin, an emigrant ship which arrives in our ports, that
tives, and 5,635 foreigners. In Rhode Island the Jones of Iowa, Norris, Petrit, Seward, Sbields, Smith, is not to some extent freighted with this kind of whole number was 2,560; and of this, 1,115 were
Stuart, Sunner, Toucey, Wade, Walker, and Williams cargo. This has long been an evil; but latterly natives, and 1,445 foreigners.
By this vote it will be seen that every southern it has increased in magnitude, and to such an ex
“I shall pursue these statistics of pauperism no tent as to be justly regarded with alarm.
further, being compelled to turn to a calendar of Senator who was present voted for the Clayton “But a month or two since, a single vessel landed crime absolutely sickening in its details; and i proviso, and every northern Senator voted against in New York one hundred and fifty paupers, and shall first call attention to the number of criminals || short debate took place in the Senate when this
it, except Mr. BRODHEAD, of Pennsylvania. A fifteen or sixteen convicts, wearing, as the badges of
who were convicted by the courts of several
proviso was introduced and adopted. The bill,
with the proviso in it, was sent to this House, recently, another vessel, freighted with a similar ber of convictions was 850; and of these 545
and referred to the Committee of the Whole on cargo, was wrecked on Sable Island, from whence were natives, and 305 foreigners. In Illinois, the
the State of the Union. After a long and angry the passengers were carried to Halifax, and from whole number convicted was 316; and of these
debate, which will not soon be forgotten by the Halifax were brought to New York, by the way 127 were natives, and 189 foreignere. In Maine,
members of this House, or the country, on the of Boston. By an affidavit made by one of these the whole number convicted was 744; and of
22d of May the distinguished gentleman from passengers, it appears, that they are natives of these 284 were natives, and 460 foreigners. In Switzerland, who, being unable to support them- Massachusetts, the whole number was 7,250; and | Georgia (Mr. STEPHENS) said:
“ I rise to a privileged motion. I will state to selves at home, were sent hither at the expense of of these, 3,336 were natives, and 3,884 foreigners. the municipality to which they belonged. In Missouri, there were 908 convictions; and of
the committee, and I want the attention of the " But it is not only thriftless paupers who these 242 were natives, and 666 foreigners. In
committee to my object in making that motion; it are sent hither to add to the burden of our poor
New York, the number of convictions was 10,279; is to cut off all amendments, and to have this bill laws, and stand between native misfortune and and of these 3,962 were natives, and 6,317 for
reported to the House, that we may have a vote the relief provided for it by charity. Felons, con
eigners. In Pennsylvania, the number of con-
“ The 119th rule of this House is in these words: by their Governments. Lately the Sardinian
and 293 foreigners. In Vermont, the number “A motion to strike out the enacung words of a bill shall , a convicted was 79; of whom, 34 were natives, and
have precedence of a motion to amend; and, if carried, it
shall be considered equivalent to its rejection.'
“ By a table, published in the compendium of
"Let this committee agree to my motion, and "It is a common practice in several of the States the seventh census, giving the number of convicts | let this action be reported to the House. When of continental Europe, to auction off to the lowest in the prisons and penitentiaries of the several
we get into the House, the question will be upon bidder, to the person who will bring them hither States, out of every ten thousand of the popula- agreeing to that report. If the friends of the bill cheapest, their paupers; and, in some instances, lion the proportion of natives and foreigners in
vote that motion down we shall then have the bill the inmates of their prisons and penitentiaries. that number is as follows:
before the House to vote upon, or to amend, as a Agents of the great passenger line of packet. ships
“In Maine, out of every ten thousand, five majority may determine. When the majority has are maintained in these States for the purpose of
foreigners to one native; in Kentucky, six to one; , disagreed to the report, as I suppose they will, making arrangements with the municipal authoriin Mississippi ten to two; in New York, three to
it will then be in order for the chairman of the ties of the various towns, for the removal of their one; in Tennessee fifteen to two; in Vermont, Committee on Territories to offer his substitute, paupers to Antwerp, Bremen, Havre, or other eight to one; in South Carolina, twenty-eight to which all of us want to vote upon, as an amend sea-port towns, with a view to their transportation
one; in Alabama, fifty to one; in Georgia, six to ment; the friends of the bill standing together, will to the United States. In England, or rather in Ireone; in Indiana, four to one, and an average in
then be brought to vote directly upon the measure, land, a similar policy is pursued; and Miss Dix,
all the States is a fraction less than six to one. and in this way we shall get rid of these continued amiable, benevolent, and philanthropic as she has “But it is in convictions for capital offenses that motions to amend." *** " The friends of the proved herself to be, by a life of devotion to the
the proportion of foreign and nalive born becomes bill, as it stands in the substitute, know that it interests of suffering and unfortunate humanity,
startling. It is true, I have found no extended now, as they intend to pass it, grants to the people writes to her friends in this country from Ireland, data from which to make the comparison, but out
of the Territories all the powers over the subject where she is now sojurning, in terms of indigna
of two hundred and twenty convictions which of slavery that we can grant them under the Contion, excited by witnessing the practices of the took place in about eighteen months, in seven
stitution of the United States. The phraseology English Government in pouring upon our shores
States, viz.: In New York, Pennsylvania, Mis- now is as full and clear as it can be made on this the polluted population of their hospitals, alms- souri, Louisiana, New Jersey, Massachusetts, point. No amendment can make it clearer. In houses, and prisons.'
* “If a stop be
and Maryland, there were one hundred and thir- the bill they have all the power that they can not speedily put to this kind of immigration, the ty-eight of foreigners to eighty-two of natives.” have under the Constitution. They cannot ask fountains of public morality will be corrupted, and
are not these facts startling to every patriotic more, and if they did we could not grant it.” the public safety compromised. Can it be other- American? Is it not high time to abridge the polit
At this stage of the progress of the bill, my colwise, when those who are brought here are the ical rights of foreigners, rather than to extend league (Mr. Puryear] and myself, left the friends vicious, the turbulent conspirators against order, them? Or, at least, in view of such facts ought of the bill. The motion was upon striking out pickpockets, thieves, burglars, and murderers? we not to hesitate before we invest aliens, who owe
the enacting clause of the Senate bill, which was These people are the stuff of which mobs are made; || allegiance to other countries, and who would, in
equivalent to its rejection. This vote was taken they are the class which invade the purity of the law, be our enemies in war, with the right to vote,
in committee, where the yeas and nays cannot be ballot box, and interfere with the elective fran- | and consequently the right to govern American
ordered. My colleague and myself both endeavchise. In the great cities of the Republic-in New citizens. If the Nebraska and Kans bill, which
ored to get the floor, to state our reasons for the York, Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, St. Louis, passed Congress and which is now a law, had ex
course we should pursue. I succeeded, but was and New Orleans--the evils which have grown iended the right of suffrage and of holding office
called to order, and under the rules could not proout of the admission of these classes of immigrants, to American citizens only, I should have voted for ceed. We both voted against striking out the have become gigantic-frightful. Not only have it. I think this was known to all my colleagues ! enacting clause of the Senate's bill, which had in the irresolute and timid become alarmed at the during the pendency of the bill. I had other and
it Clayton's proviso. The bill was then reported magnitude of the mischief which threatens the grave objections to the bill, of which I will speak question then was on agreeing with the report o.
to the House, as rejected by the committee. The public peace and endangers the public morals, but before I close my remarks, but I felt disposed firm-minded and far-sighted statesmen have like- waive them, if by doing so I could coöperate with
the Committee of the Whole on the state of the wise seen and appreciated the imminence of the my southern colleagues upon this foor.
Union. My colleague and myself voted in the danger, and the necessity of prompt and energetic 1 propose to examine further these fifth and affirmative. My vote was influenced by this conmeasures to arrest it." twenty-third sections of that bill, in connection
sideration. It had been announced by the genwith the proviso moved by the distinguished Sen
tleman from Georgia, (Mr. STEPHENS,] that a “I now beg leave, briefly, to call attention to the state of pauperism and crime in the United ator from Delaware, [Mr. Clayton, and which majority of the House had determined to
pass was in the bill as it originally passed the Senate.
substitute, in which was contained the alien sufStates, as disclosed by the census, prison discipline
On the 20 of March, Mr. CLAYTON moved to
frage clause, and which differed from the Senate's societies, and other similar associations. And,
amend by striking out, in the provisions conferring bill in that important feature. I was determined first, 1 refer to pauperism as it existed in 1850: the righi of suffrage and of holding office, these
not to vote for any bill granting such powers over "The foreign population of the United States in words:
the subject of slavery in the Territories, unless 1850, as compared to the native, was nearly as
“And those who shall have declared, on oath, their in
Clayton's proviso was in it: and especially before one to ten, there being 21,947,274 natives, and tention to become such, and shall have taken an oath to
there was any effort to save that proviso in the 2,244,602 foreigners. The whole number of support the Constitution of the United States and the pro
bill. was avowed upon this floor, that the paupers supported wholly, or partially, in the visions of this act
Senate's bill was not to be revived with a view of