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33p CONG....20 Sess.

Nebraska and Kansas, &c.—Mr. Rogers.

Ho. OF REPs.

is, that neither Congress nor the Territorial Legis- “YEAS-Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Bell, Berrien, But- Free-Soilers or Abolitioniste amongst us. The ture should interfere for the prohibition or for the ler, Clay, Clemens, Davis of Mississippi, Dawson, Dickin

kindliest feelings were entertained between memson, Downs, Foot, Houston, Hunter, King, Mangum,Mason, establishment of slavery in the Territories. While Morton, Pearce, Prati, Rusk, Sebastian, Soulé, Turney,

bers from all sections, and there was no disposiin a territorial state let rights be determined ac- and Underwood-25.

tion to reopen any question which would lead to cording to the spirit of the Constitution, and noth- “NAYS–Messrs. Baldwin, Benton, Bradbury, Bright, the formation of sectional parties, or the creation ing else. And when the people of the Territories Cass, Chase, Clarke, Cooper, Corwin, Davis of Massa

of sectional annimosities. The next Congress chusetts, Dayton, Dodge of Wisconsin, Dodge of Iowa, shall be invested with the rights of sovereignty, Douglas, Felch, Greene, Hale, Hamlin, Jones, Miller, Nor- will not open with such relations existing between then they have the power to determine the ques- ris, Seward, Shields, Smith, Spruance, Sturgeon, Upham, members from the two sections. Agitation will tion as to what shall be property for themselves as Walker, Webster, and Whitcomb-30."

be renewed, and crimination and recrimination they please, and it is no body else's business. Mr. Berrien moved to strike out, in the sixth will be revived in this Hall, and in the country:

Bui I will return to the debate, which I know line of the tenth section, the words in respect | And, I ask, who will be responsible for it? 'I will be heard with more interest, and carry with to,” and insert the words “establishing or pro- answer what I believe to be true—those who it more weight than any thing I can say. Mr. | hibiting," so that it would read:

originated and sustained the Kansas and Nebraska BUTLER said:

“But no law shall be passed, interfering with the primary || bill. “Sir, I was going on to speak of the people disposal of the soil, nor establishing or prohibiting African The motives of none will I assail; but, those having a right, independently of the Constitution, slavery."

who originated the bill stand in a very different by which even Congress derives its power to

The yeas and nays were ordered upon this position so far as responsibility goes, from those make whatever laws they please for themselves. amendment, and resulted as follows:

who supported it after it was introduced. There That is, indeed, a new idea. The principle which “ YEAS-Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Bell, Berrien, Bor- was a difference between making the issue volunpervades all legislation upon this subject is, that a

land, Butler, Clay, Clemens, Davis of Mississippi, Daw- tarily and in taking sides after the issue was Territorial Legislature is given by Congress, subson, Dickinson, Downs, Foote, Houston, Hunter, Jones,

made. I know that a great many who voted King, Mangum, Mason, Morton, Pearce, Pratt, Rusk, Seject to all the limitations imposed by Congress, bastian, Soule, Spruance, Sturgeon, Turney, Webster, and

against the bill did it with reluctance; and I know and it has no powers except those which are given Yulee- 30.

equally well that a great many who voted for it, to it by Congress. In other words, it has power

“NAYS-Messrs. Baldwin, Benton, Bradbury, Bright, did so with reluctance; some, I may venture to

Cass, Chase, Clark, Cooper, Corwin, Davis of Massachuto legislate upon those subjects only which are

say, almost against their positive convictions. setts, Dayton, Dodge of Wisconsin, Dodge of lowa, Doug. specified in the grant. This, I am aware, is in- las, Felch, Greene, Hale, Hamlin, Miller, Norris, Seward,

Then what was the necessity for the reopening of consistent with the broad notion that those squat

Shields, Smith, Underwood, Upham, Walker, and Whit- this agitation? What northern gentlemen anlers, the moment they put their feet upon the soil, comb-27."

swer to this question, I cannot now go into; but are freeholders, and are entitled to exercise all the I desire to call attention to these votes. Upon their position is very different from that taken by priviliges of citizens of a State.

the amendment offered by Mr. Davis only one southern gentlemen. Southern gentlemen answer I propose now to read from the speech of the

northern man voted in the affirmative, Mr. "Dick || that it was necessary to pass this bill in order to late Vice President, Mr. King. He took part in

inson, of New York, and only one southern man repeal “an odious and an unconstitutional” rethis debate, and among other things said:

in the negative, the honorable gentleman from striction upon the rights of the South, and they

Missouri, (Mr. Benton,) who is now a member now add, in order to make a slave State of Kangas. "!, sir, am opposed to giving to the Territorial of this House. On the amendment proposed by The question then recurs, are they willing to inLegislatures any power either to prohibit or intro. duce it, (slavery:) I believe that the power does not

the distinguished Senator from Georgia, (Mr. | corporate into their territorial policy the doctrines exist on the part of Congress, and in that respect

Berrien,) five northern Senators voted in the af. of squatter sovereignty, and alien suffrage, and I differ with the Senator from Illinois in loto. Sir,

firmative, to wit: Messrs. Dickinson, Jones, Spru- reopen agitation upon the slavery question to achis argument is a free-soil speech; it is the Wild

ance, Sturgeon, and Webster; and iwo southern complish the first object, and to be enabled to run

Senators in the negative, to wit: Messrs. Benton the risk of accomplishing the second ? Their mot proviso, so far as the argument goes, as to

and Underwood. These votes may be found on answer must be, that if we cannot get all we want giving to the Congress of the United States the power of regulating every description of property

pages 375 and 376 of Senate Journal, 1st session we must compromise. We must take what we which the citizens of the country possess who 31st Congress.

do not want, in order to procure what we do choose to emigrate there. The Senator went

Here, then, was every southern Senator, in 1850– want. And these very same persons, strange to vastly beyond what I have heard before, because

except in one instance, Mr. Benton, and in another, I say, declaim most vociferously against all comit was then confined to slavery.” * “Sir, 1

Mr. Benton and Mr. Underwood-voting for a promises. I think I have shown conclusively never did agree with my friend from Michigan 'in proposition declaring that the Territorial Legisla- that, if the Missouri compromise was unconstituregard to what is supposed to be the construction

iures should not establish or prohibit slavery | tional, the Kansas and Nebraska bill is unconstie of the Nicholson letter. I never did believe that a within their limits, for a proposition declaring that | tutional, because they both assume that Congress

has power to legislate upon the subject of slavery Territorial Legislature possessed any power what- slavery in the Territories should be left to exist or not under the Constitution and laws of the United

in the Territories. ever, but such as is delegated to it by the Con. States, without any interference to that extent But I propose to examine these two answers, and gress of the United States, and the power which either by Congress or by the Territorial Legisla- I am frank to say that they are the only two anit did possess simply related to the protection of

As was announced by Mr. Dickinson, that swers to the question which I have ever known persons and property, and the punishment of crime. Sir, what do you require of them? That

was true non-intervention. Yet by some it is said | many southern men to give. A great many from the they shall pass no law that is not to be submitted

that those who stood upon similar ground in 1854 || North justify their vote for the bill upon the ground,

are untrue to the South, and are disposed to sur- and for the reason, that it established the doctrine to Congress for ils approbation, leaving them strictly to the control of the Congress of the

render the rights of the South into the hands of of squatter sovereignty, and of alien suffrage. Some

Free-Soilers and Abolitionists. United States in every act that they may pass.

When I find from both sections claim, I know, that they voted And yet gentlemen get up at this day and advo

myself standing upon the same ground as Berrien, || for the bill because it established the doctrine of cate, on the floor of the Senate, the monstrous Clay, Dickinson, Foote, King, Mangum, and

non-intervention. But that will not do. I think I doctrine that these Territorial Legislatures, con

others, the most distinguished statesmen and have shown that this bill not only does not estabsisting of a mere handful of men, should make

patriots that the South, or this whole country, | lish the doctrine of non-intervention, but is itself laws to affect every description of property.”

can boast of, I care very little for the assertion, positively intervention, in that it interposes ils There are other portions of this debate which I

wholly unsustained by any fact, that I am untrue authority to enable the Territorial Legislature to would like to read, but it would extend my re

to the South, or that I have surrendered, or that determine the question of slavery, which authority marks to too great a length. I will, however, hands of her enemies. Until the names and the I am disposed to surrender, her rights into the the Territorial Legislature could not possess with

out express or implied authority from Congress. read a short extract from the speech of Mr. Dick: patriotism of these great statesmen shall have been INSON, of New York. At the conclusion of his forgotten, I feel that no harm can come to me,

What I have read from speeches made by the

late and lamented Vice President King, by Mr. remarks, he said:

humble as I confess myself to be, from the empty Dickinson, of New York, and others, I think sus"Now, sir, I wish to say, once for all, that it declarations of those who may style themselves tains me in these positions. is not my intention, either directly or indirectly, the champions of the South, and the only true to favor, by voice or vote, the extension of slavery, conservators of her interests and rights.

pass this bill in order to repeal " an odious and an or the restriction of slavery, in the Territories by I have thus far considered alien suffrage and unconstitutional” restriction upon the rights of the Congress, or any interference with the subject squatter sovereignty as recognized in the Ne South, and to place the South upon an equal footwhatsoever. Nor am I influenced in this conclu- braska and Kansas bil!. I am uncompromisingly ing in the Territories with the North. I am not sion by the local laws of the Territory in question opposed to both.

going to defend the Missouri compromise, because, -either natural or artificial-the laws of nature or

I will now briefly speak of another objection as an original proposition, I would not have been the laws of man; and, for all the purposes of present | which I had to the bill. I believed, when this in favor of it. When did the necessity for the action, I will not inquire what they are in either bill was introduced, as I believe now, that it was repeal of the Missouri compromise arise? It was respect. I will stand upon the true principles of

unwise and injudicious to propose such a bill in passed in 1820, and the country went on in its non-intervention, in the broadest possible sense, Congress. I believed then, as I believe now, that progress to greatness undisturbed upon the subfor non-intervention's sake, to uphold the funda

no good could come of agitating the slavery ques-ject until 1850. Then there was a convulsion; but mental principles of freedom, and for no other

tion, in Congress or out of it. The South never once more all was quiet; and on the 4th of Janureason; and will leave the people of the Territo- has gained anything by, such agitation. The ary, 1854, this fact was solemnly announced to ries and of the States to such rights and privileges country never has been benefited by such agita- the country, in a report from the Senate Comas are theirs under the Constitution and laws of tion. It has tended, and ever will tend, to alienate mittee on Territories. Referring to the measures the United States, without addition to, or diminu- the North from the South, and the South from the of 1850, that report says: tion from, such rights by the action of Congress.” North, and engender a feeling of hostility one « The wisdom of those measures is attested,

The yeas and nays were taken upon Mr. Da- | towards the other. As I stated before, at the be- || not less by their salutary and beneficial effects in vis's amendment; and resulted as follows: ginning of the present Congress, we had but few lallaying sectional agitation, and restoring peace


étaiBurme procede pois said that it was necessary to

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and harmony to an irritated and distracted people, | braska, when the Indian laws shall be withdrawn, territorial governments. Adopting this as the than by the cordial and almost universal approba- and the country thrown open to emigration and basis of his action, he has applied the great pacific tion with which they have been received and sanc- settlement. By the eighth section of "an act to principles of the compromise measures of 1850 tioned by the whole country. In the judgment of authorize the people of the Missouri Territory to to the bill for organizing the Nebraska Territory. your committee those measures were intended to form a Constitution and State Government, and He goes further, and extends the provisions of have a far more comprehensive and enduring effect for the admission of such State into the Union on the fugitive slave law to the Territories. The than the mere adjustment of the difficulties arising an equal footing with the original States, and to reasoning of Judge Douglas strikes our mind as out of the recent acquisition of Mexican territory. || prohibit slavery in certain Territories," approved unanswerable, and we indulge the confident hope They were designed to establish certain great prin- | March 6, 1820, it was provided:

that the propositions submitted by him will be ciples, which would not only furnish adequate “That in all that Territory ceded by France to the Uni- unhesitatingly affirmed by Congress. They preremedies for existing evils, but, in all time to come, ted States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north sent a practical test of the sincerity of the coveavoid the perils of a similar agitation, by with- of 36° 30', north latitude, vot included within the limits

nant entered into by the Democratic party at Balof the State contemplated by this act, slavery and involdrawing the question of slavery from the Halls of

timore. If the principle of the compromise, as untary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of Congress and the political arena, and committing || erimes whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, brought forward in the Nebraska bill, are susit to the arbitrament of those who were immedi- shall be, and is hereby, forever prohibited : Provided. tained by the united Democratic votes of Senators ately interested in, and alone responsible for, its always, That any person escaping into the same, from and Representatives, all doubt as to the final

whom labor or service is lawfully claimed, in any State or consequences." Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be law

expulsion of the slavery question from the Demo. It states that the principles and spirit of the

fully reclaimed, and conveyed' to the person claiming his cratic organization will be put to rest. We may

or her labor or service as aforesaid.' measures of 1850 are incorporated in the bill

then gladly proclaim the National Democracy a reported, and then goes on:

“ Under this section, as in the case of the Mex- | unit and repose confidently upon the conviction “ If any other considerations were necessary to

ican law in New Mexico and Utah, it is a disputed that the Federal Union is safe. We commend render the propriety of this course imperative upon point whether slavery is prohibited in the Ne- Mr. Douglas's report, not only for the ability the committee, they may be found in the fact that braska country by valid enactment. The decision

with which it is prepared, but for the sound, the Nebraska country occupies the same relative of this question involves the constitutional power national, Union-loving sentiments with which it position to the slavery question as did New Mex. of Congress to pass laws prescribing and regulat- abounds. We shall publish the report in our next

issue.' ico and Utah, when those Territories were organ- | ing the domestic institutions of the various Terized." ritories of the Union. In the opinion of those

Such was the language of the National organ eminent statesmen who hold that Congress is in- of the Democratic party, published in this city. Now mark this position: The Nebraska Ter- vested with no rightful authority to legislate upon Judge Douglas argued against the repeal of the ritory, which embraces what is now called Ne

the subject of slavery in the Territories, the eighth | Missouri compromise in this report with all the braska and Kansas, “occupies the same relative section of the act preparatory to the admission of weight of his capacious mind,” and “planted position to the slavery question as did New Mex- | Missouri is null and void; while the prevailing himself resolutely upon the compromise of 1850," ico and Utah when those Territories were organ- | sentiment, in large portions of the Union, sustains and his conclusions are unassailable. The report ized.” That we may see whether or not the Senate the doctrine that the Constitution of the United is commended for its great ability, but more for committee, on the 4ih of January, before the bill States secures to every citizen an inalienable right its sound national, Union-loving sentiments." passed, thought there was any necessity for such to move into any of the Territories with his prop- | With my Democratic friends, it seems to me, I repeal, I will read again parts of this same report, | erty, of whatever kind and description, and to hold could desire no better defense for my vote, even if all of which I read at the beginning of my remarks. and enjoy the same under the sanction of law. I were disposed to place it upon ihe ground of That committee, with great confidence, declared Your committee do not feel themselves called upon opposition to the repeal of the Missouri act. that the country saw no such necessity, but the to enter into the discussion of these controverted As promised on the 5th, the report was pub. contrary. To go on, however, with the report. I questions. They involve the same grave issues lished in the Union of the 6th of January, 1854, Immediately after the clause which I have just | which produced the agitation, the sectional strife, and was introduced to the public by an editorial, read, is as follows:

and the fearful struggle of 1850. As Congress which I will read. It is headed, "Mr. Douglas's “It was a disputed point, whether slavery was deemed it wise and prudent to refrain from decid- || Nebraska Bill," and is as follows : prohibited by law in the country acquired from | ing the matters in controversy then, either by af- “We are enabled to lay before our readers toMexico. On the one hand, it was contended, as firming or repealing the Mexican laws, or by an day the report of Senator Douglas, accompanying a legal proposition, that slavery having been pro- act declaratory of the true intent of the Constitu- the bill for organizing the Territory of Nebraska. hibited by the enactments of Mexico, according | tion, and the extent of the protection afforded by Upon perusing this important document, our to the laws of nations, we received the country it to slave property in the Territories, so your readers will readily comprehend why we attach with all its local laws and domestic institutions committee are not prepared now to recommend a 80 much importance to it. In upholding the attached to the soil, so far as they did not conflict departure from the course pursued on that mem- policy of the present Administration with such with the Constitution of the United States; and orable occasion, either by affirming or repealing efficiency as we could command, we have been that a law, either protecting or prohibiting slavery, the eighth section of the Missouri act, or by any act forced to vindicate the President as wela as ourwas not repugnant to that instrument, as was evi. declaratory of the meaning of the Constitution in selves against the charge of favoring Free-Soilism denced by the fact that one half of the States of respect to the legal points in dispute."

and disunionism. Our vindication of both has the Union tolerated, while the other half prohib- So we see that on the 4th of January, 1854, rested upon the assumption, which we have felt ited, the institution of slavery.

according to this report and five thousand extra fully authorized to adopt, that the policy of the On the other hand it was insisted that, by virtue copies were ordered to be printed by the Senate, I

Administration recognizes none as orthodox of the Constitution of the United States, every || suppose for circulation-there was no necessity for Democrats who do not faithfully abide by the citizen had a right to remove to any Territory of a repeal of the Missouri compromise line, but, on compromise of 1850 as a final settlement of the the Union, and carry his property with him, un- the contrary, it was insisted that, for the preserva | slavery issue. Upon this ground we have gone der the protection of law, whether that property tion of peace and harmony, and to avoid the agi- | before the country, and upon the issue we have consisted in persons or things. The difficulties tation, the sectional strife, and the fearful struggle signally triumphed. The Nebraska bill is drawn arising from this diversity of opinion, were greatly of 1850, Congress ought not to make any act upon the same principle, and presents an opporaggravated by the fact that there were many per- "affirming or repealing” the Missouri compro- tunity for a practical vindication of the policy of sons, on both sides of the legal controversy, who | mise, or declaratory of the constitutional powers the Administration, which is destined to exert a were unwilling to abide the decisions of the courts

of Congress over the subject of slavery in the prominent influence upon the political mind. But on the legal matters in dispute; thus, among those Territories.

so important a document will command universal who claimed that the Mexican laws were still in

Let us see, for a moment, in what light this attention, and needs no commendation from us." force, and consequently, that slavery was already report was viewed by the organ of the Demoprohibited in those Territories by valid enactmeni,

Then follows the report. The question will cratic party. In the Union newspaper of the 5th there were many who insisted upon Congress of January, 1854, the day after ihis report was

suggest itself at once to a person reading these making the matter certain by enacting another

editorials, does not the Nebraska and Kansas bill, made to the Senate, I imd a short editorial, headed prohibition. In like manner, some of those who “Nebraska-Mr. Douglas's Report—The Com-embody the doctrines of this so much praised re

which passed Congress, and which is now a law, argued that the Mexican laws had ceased to have promise," which is as follows: any binding force, and that the Constitution toler

port? Are not the principles which it advocates ated and protected slave property in those Terri

“ The report submitted to the Senate on yester- | incorporated in that bill? Let us see. The bill tories, were unwilling to trust the decision of the

day, by Mr. DUUGLAS, chairman of the Commit- repeals the Missouri compromise, and opens the

tee on Territories in the Senate, in regard to a door for slavery agitation. The report argues courts upon that point, and insisted that Congress territorial government for Nebraska, will be read against both, and the Union said all orthodox should, by direct enactment, remove all legal ob. stacles to the introduction of slaves into those

with profound interest. This subject has been Democrats would stand by the report. The bill Territories.”

looked to with serious apprehension, in conse- which I voted against has incorporated in it the

quence of the supposition that it might fearfully doctrine of squatter sovereignty and alien sufWho were the persons who were unwilling to revive the slavery agitation. Mr. Douglas was frage. The report advocates neither, but declares trust the decision of the courts, but required a fully impressed with the importance and delicacy for the principles of the compromise of 1850. declaration by Congress one way or the other? of the issue involved, and has devoted the full The sweetest 'morsel is yet to come from the They were unquestionably extremists, North and power of his capacious mind to its investigation. Union. I would like to take more than one more, South. The report goes on:

He has arrived at conclusions which seem to us but my remarks have already been extended to a “Such being the character of the controversy to be unassailable. He plants himself resolutely greater length than I desired they should. Januin respect to the Territory acquired from Mexico, | upon the compromise of 1850 as a final settlementary 16, Mr. Dixon, a Senator from Kentucky, a similar question has arisen in regard to the right -not final merely as to the Territories then in gave notice of an amendment which he intended to hold slaves in the proposed Territory of Ne- Il dispute, but final'as to all future legislation for to offer to the bill, proposing to repeal the Mis

330 Cong....20 Sess.
Nebrasica and Kansas, &c.--Mr. Rogers.

Ho. OF Reps. souri compromise. Mr. SUMNER also gave notice nearer to making shipwreck of its fortunes upor | date, opposed in strong terms both the repeal of of an amendment which he should offer. On the the slavery question than upon all others." the Missouri compromise, and an abandonment 20th of January an editorial appears in the Union " We assert, with confidence, the claim that we are l of those principles, and insisted that the Dernheaded “ The Missouri Compromise." I wish I THE Union party; and we claim that by our action ocratic party had pledged itself at Baltimore, to had time to read it all; it fills about one column. at Baltimore, in 1852, we clearly illustrated and stand by those principles in good faith. The But I must satisfy myself with extracts. The editor says:

reflections, it may be well for us to scrutinize, with so clear that I might stop here. I will, however, “ We have expressed our cordial approval of

care, the movements of those who are our uniform read a short extract from the President's first anthe bill introduced by Mr. Douglas, providing a

opponents. That Abolitionists would rejoice to nual message to this Congress, sent in but little territorial government for Nebraska. It will be

see the fires of discord rekindled by a revival of over one inonth before it was proposed to abanremembered that the bill, as proposed to be

the slavery agitation, no one can doubt. And don the principles of the measures of 1850, and to amended by Mr. Douglas, reënacts and applies those who have perused the extracts from Senator repeal the Missouri compromise, and sgain to to Nebraska the clause on slavery adopted in the

Sumner's speech, which we lately published, will reopen the grave issues, which were then setiled. compromise of 1850. That clause is silent as to

not be slow to suppose that agitation is his object | Afier declaring that it was not his purpose to give the question of slavery during the territorial conin offering his amendment.

prominence to any question which might properly dition of the inhabitants, but expressly recognizes history of the Whig party which ought to make perils and dangers which we had passed through

“On the other hand, there is nothing in the past be regarded as sei at rest, and speaking of the and asserts their right to come into the Union as

it offensive in us to say, that of late years its only a state, either with or without the institution of

in 1850, and the repose and security which folslavery, as they may determine in their constitu- hopes of ascendency have been based upon the lowed, he says: tion. Two propositions have been made in the slavery agitation, in some one of its forms."

“ That this repose is to suffer no shock during Senate-one by Senator Dixon, a Whig, and the

** When, therefore, a prominent Whig my official term, if I have power to avert it, those other by Senator SJMNER, an Abolitionist-which

Senator, like Mr. Dixon, proposes to go beyond who placed me here may be assured.” indicate that the bill, as proposed by Mr. Douge Judge Douglas, and beyond the compromise of

If the positions taken by the Union newspaper Las, is to be vigorously assailed. Mr. Dixon pro- South, it may not be out of order to remind our 1850, in showing his devotion to the rights of the

up to January 20, 1854 were correct; if the docposes to amend it by a clause expressly repealing

1850, the body i trines.contained in Mr. Douglas's report, made on the act of 1820, commonly known as the Mis friends, that in the great issue souri compromise. Mr. SUMNER proposes to

of Mr. Dixon's political friends, especially at the the 4th of the same month, and sustained with amend it by expressly declaring that the Missouri North, were not prepared to go even as far as the such great ability, were correct; if it were neces. compromise is to continue in force. Persons pro

Nebraska bill goes! But Mr. Dixon's amend- sary to maintain that repose of which the Presifessing to speak the sentiments of General Cass, ment may serve to stir up excitement on one side, wrong to pass the Nebraska and Kansas bill,

dent spoke in such emphatic language, it was have persisted in declaring that he was not satisfied with Mr. Douglas's bill, and that he would

the other; and as Whigism and Abolitionism have which disturbed that repose, overturned those compromise repealed. We place no reliance upon may be that the agitation may inure to the benefit cratic authority,

how little necessity there was for offer so to amend it as to declare the Missouri everything to gain and nothing to lose, the upshot doctrines, and upset those positions. these statemenis as to General Cass's position. Ic would only be necessary to remember his course

Prudence, patriotism, devotion to the Union, the a repeal of the Missouri compromise, and for the on the slavery question in 1850, to know that a interests of the Democratic party, all suggest that reopening of the agitation of the subject of slavery

in the last Congress. bill which reënacts the vital principles of the com- | that public sentiment which now acquiesces cheer

I will now briefly endeavor to show what hopes promise of that year could not be otherwise than fully in the principles of the compromise of 1850, satisfactory to him.'

were then entertained by the friends of the Kansas should not be inconsiderately disturbed. The “But notwithstanding the real position of Gen- triumphant election of President Pierce shows that and Nebraska bill of making a slave State of eral Cass, it is still true that a Whiş Senator and people are with the Democracy. We may venture on this basis the hearts and the judgments of the

either Territory. I shall speak of the hopes

and opinions of the friends of the bill at the time an Abolition Senator have proposed amendments

the bill was under discussion and to be voted for io suggest, that it is well worthy of consideration, which bring up the Missouri compromise.” whether a faithful adherence to the creed which

or against, because any new-born hopes or opin“We accepted the acts of 1850 as they has been so triumphantly indorsed by the people Auenced any one for or against the measure before


upon the subject certainly could not have inwere passed, and approved their passage as a final

does not require all good Democrats to hestitate, compromise; and in the same spirit we have been and reflect maturely upon any proposition which

those hopes and opinions were entertained. I content with the perpetuation of that compromise any member of our party can object to as an

cannot more fairly treat this subject than by read. as proposed by Mr. Douglas’s Nebraska bill. We interpolation upon that creed. in a word, iting the views of gentlemen from their published have never yielded to the Missouri compromise would be wise in all Democrats to consider whether speeches. Upon this point Mr. Douglas said: any other obligatory force than that which attaches it would not be safest to let well enough alone.'

“I do not believe therc is a man in Congress to a solemn covenant entered into by two opposing To repeal the Missouri compromise, and, according who thinks it could be permanently a slaveholdparties for the preservation of amicable relations. To such considerations we have felt bound to yield sional non-intervention of all embarrassment; but to our view, would clear the principle of Congres- ing country. I have no idea that it could.”

Mr. Butler said: “As far as I am concerned, as ready an acquiescence as if the compromise was

we doubt whether the good thus promised is so I must say that I do not expect that this bill is to the law of the land, not only in form, but in sub- important that it would be wise to seek it through give us of the South anything, but merely to stance and reality. Viewed as a legal question, the agitation which necessarily stands in our path. accommodate something like the sentiment of the we should be constrained to pronounce it unsus

Upon a calm review of the whole ground, we yet South.” tained by constitutional authority; viewed as the see no such reasons for disturbing the compromise Mr. Badger said: "I have no more idea of evidence of a compromise of conflicting interests of 1850 as could induce us to advocate either of seeing a slave population in either of them than I and opinions, we have been ready to waive the

the amendments proposed to Mr. Douglas’s || have of seeing it in Massachusetts-not a whit.” legal question, and to abide faithfully by its the

bill." Missouri compromise-ierms. If we have studied

Mr. Hunter said: “Does any man believe you

I ask particular attention to this editorial of the the southern sentiment correctly, this has been the

braska? I confess that, for a moment, I permitted view taken of the Missouri compromise in that 20th of January, the same day Mr. Douglas acUnion. "It appeared, as I before stated on the

will have a slaveholding State in Kansas or Nedivision of the Union."

such an illusion to rest on my mind." labored under the impression that these consider cepted the amendment of Mr. Dixon, repealing in

express terms the Missouri act. Afier ihat time, ations were all fully and maturely weighed in the I the Union advocated that amendment, which but

Mr. James C. Jones said: “Mr. President, I

was satisfied to let this question alone. As I told discussions of 1850, and that the compromise then just before it denounced as a scheme concocted by

the honorable chairman of the Committee on Teradopted' was designed as a permanent rule for Whigs and Abolitionists to reopen agitation, and

ritories, and as I have expressed myself everyfuture action. It was upon this view that we gave

to “disturb the compromise" of 1850. What where, when I have given my opinion upon this to Mr. Douglas's bill our ready approval; and we

reasons were there which influenced Mr. Douglas, subject, I was content to let this matter stand as it still think that the peace and harmony of the coun- after the 4th of January, when his report was given

was, because, in my judgment, there was nothing try will be best secured by its adoption. We are free to express our strong aversion to the reopen- | 20:h of the same month, when he accepted the to the Senate, which did not influence him on the practical in it."

Mr. Chairman, I must be permitted to say here, ing of the slavery question; and we still believe

amendment of Mr. Dixon? What necessity | that, although I had objections to the Kansas and that true reason dictates that this can be best avoided by standing firmly upon the compromise i Missouri compromise which did not exist on the yet, since it is the law of the land, I would vote

existed on the 20th of January, for a repeal of the Nebraska bill, which forced me to vote against it; of 1850 as a final adjustment.

4th of the same month? What necessity was there against its repeal, if that question were to arise, “We trust that we shall not be considered offi- on the 20th of January which did not exist on the and resist it with what little of ability I may cious in noting the fact that the propositions in the 4th, for reopening the questions which involved have. As I said before, I am opposed, uncomproSenate for the amendment of Mr. Douglas's bill, “the same grave issues which produced the agi- , misingly, to alien suffrage and squatter soverhave proceeded from members of the two parties tation, the sectional strife, and the fearful strug- eignty.' Those two questions, and particularly which are irreconcilably opposed to Democratic gle of 1850.” Mr. Chairman, I have neither seen the first, can be reached without repealing the ascendency. Although these propositions emanate nor heard any reason to show that a necessity Kansas and Nebraska bill, if American citizens from quarters apparently antagonistic to each existed on the 20th of January, 1854, which did will determine that Americans only shall govern other, yet it can do no harm for Democrats to bear not exist on the 4th, for a repeal of the Missouri in America. A proposition to repeal that bill in mind that their antagonism does not prevent | compromise, or an abandonment of the principles would bring around again the scenes which we witthem from harmonizing in antagonism to the of the measures of 1850? And the “Union" | nessed during the last session in this Hall, and Democratic party. It may not be out of place, newspaper, the organ of the Democratic party up which, in 1850, and in 1820, threatened the existalso, in us, to bear in mind that our party has come to the 20th of January, and in its issue of that ence of the Union. I hope, sir, I may never be


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33p CONG....20 Sess.

Collins Steamers--Mr. Olds.

Ho. OF REPs.


instrumental in renewing such scenes, or bringing I design, Mr. Chairman, bri fy as possible, to Mr. Chairman, every succeeding step taken by about such discord and strife. I would rather heal present to this committee such facts and figures as the British Government relative to her ocean mail the wounds of the past, and close them up forever, I have collected, relative to our ocean mail steam- steamers demonstrates the more clearly that these than to reopen them to fester and gangrene until ers; feeling, that although they may not change | large subsidies are not paid because they are the parts can never reunite.

the opinion, or influence the vote of a single gen- demanded by her mail service, but because it was I have discharged, I admit, in an humble man- tleman of this committee, that it is still due to the true policy of that Government to have conner, a duty which I felt that I owed to my con- myself that I should explain the process by which structed steamers of “great power and speed," in stituents as well as to myself. I have endeavored my own prejudices have been removed, and my order to render them "available for other national to enable them to understand the doctrines em- preconceived opinions so radically changed. purposes wholly unconnected with her mail serbodied in the Nebraska and Kansas bill, and to Mr. Chairman, although as early as 1819 an understand my views upon those doctrines. I American ship called the Savannah, propelled in As demonstrating the importance attached by may be assailed directly or indirectly, openly or part by steam and in part by wind, had made the the British Government to its steam marine, allow covertly, by manly opposition or unmanly inu- | trip from New York to Liverpool in twenty-six me, Mr. Chairman, to make another short extract endo, but whatever course may be pursued towards | days, yet to Great Britain we are indebted for the from the report of Viscount Canning. The report me, shall not improperly influence my course to- origin of the system of ocean mail steamers. says: wards others. I will, as I think I have done in my The Great Western, the first regular ocean mail “ We have now under contract with the admiralty sixty. remarks, deal frankly with my constituents and steamer, was built in 1838. In April of that year three ocean mail steamers, every one of which may be conall others as to my conduct and views. I blame she made her first passage froni Liverpool to New

verted into war steamers. The aggregate power of these no man for entertaining different views from my York in fifteen days. The performance of the

steamers is twenty-nine thousand six hundred and twenty own upon this bill or any other subject. I have Great Western led to the establishment of the

horse power; their tonnage is sixty-one thousand three

hundred and forty-eight; they annually steain one million endeavored to sustain my position by fair argu- | Cunard line, by the British Government, in 1839. | five hundred and screnty-five thousand miles ; and the aggrement. I hope those who differ with me in opinion Mr. Cunard contracted with that Government to gale amount paid by the Government for mail service perwill pursue the same course towards me. I would carry the mails twice a month from Liverpool via

formed on these several routes is about $4,000,000.” not, if I could, reach an adversary by appeals to Halifax to Boston, for the sum of £65,000, or This, sir, was the condition of the British steam prejudice.

$325,000 annually. This compensation was after- mail marine two years ago. What the number of Mr. Chairman, I will indulge in no declamation wards increased by the British Government to steamers, their power and magnitude, employed to satisfy my constituents or the country of my | £85,000, or $425,000, Mr. Cunard then stipula- in the mail service of Great Britain at this time is, loyalty to the South or of my love to the Union. ting that the service should be performed in ships I have not the means of knowing. That the numWhile the Union accomplishes the great ends for of twelve hundred tons, and four hundred and ber has been greatly increased since that time, and which it was created, I will stand by it. While fifty horse power.

that the subsidies now paid for this service greatly the Constitution shall be preserved in its purity, I refer to these historical facts, sir, in order to exceeds four millions of dollars I entertain no doubt. and the rights of the States shall be observed, I show that the British Government, in stipulating | Viscount Canning says: will stand by the Constitution as the ægis of our as to the size and power of the Cunard ships, de- "All these vessels, in their contract with the admiralty, safety. Should the Union fail to accomplish those signed having such vessels constructed, as upon are to be good, substantial, steam vessels, of such construcends, should sacrilegious hands be laid upon the any emergency might be converted into war tion and strength as to be fit and able to carry guns, of the Constitution, and aggressions be made upon the

largest ealiber now used on board her Majesty's steam steamers.

vessels of war." rights of the States, I will stand by my section Upon the establishment of the Collins line of and by my State in the last extremity. steamers by this Government, in 1849 and 1850,

Chambers's Miscellany, an Edinburgh work of the English Government again increased the com

great repute, in speaking of the magnitude and COLLINS STEAMERS.

pensation of Mr. Cunard to £145,000 or $725,000. importance of the British mail steam marine, the Mr. Cunard again agreeing to increase the size and

liberal appropriations by which it is sustained by power of his vessels, so as to make them still more

that Government, and the greatly increased comSPEECH OF HON. EDSON B. OLDS, | eficient for war purposes.

mercial correspondence which it has created, The English. Government did not make such

large appropriations of money merely to sustain

«The Indian mail which left Southampton in August last, In the House or REPRESENTATIVES, a mail service between that country and this.

filled one hundred and seventy-five chests, each capable of

holding ten thousand letters, and at Malta one hundred and February 15, 1855. Viscount Canning, as chairman of a special com- twenty smaller chests were added that had been brought

through France, Making allowance for the newspapers The House being in the Committee of the mittee, in his report to the British Parliament in 1853, says:

contained in these, the number of letters must still have Whole on the state of the Union, and having

All this writing and transmission of intelunder consideration the Ocean Mail Steamer

“The objects which appear to have led to the formation ligence necessarily increases trade, and consequently bring

of these contracts, and to the large expenditure involved, Appropriation bill

additional supplies of articles 10 this country, ine duties on were, to afford a rapid, frequent, and punctual communi- which must more than make up the difference between the Mr. OLDS said:

cation with those distant ports which feed the main arteries payments to the companies and the revenues to the post

of British coinmerce and with the most important of our office. But on the higher considerations than those of mere Mr. CHAIRMAN: I propose the following amend foreign possessions; to foster maritime enterprise; and to profit and loss, we have no hesitation in saying that the ment: encourage the production of a superior class of vessels

blessings to the country of these lines of speedy communi. which would promote the convenience and wealth of the coun- cation would not be purchased dearly if not one farthing of Strike out from the 7th to the 18th line, both inclusive, try in time of peace, and assist in defending its shores the contract money were returned." and insert the following:

against hostile aggression. For transportation of the mails from New York 10 Liv. * These expectations have not been disappointed. The

Now, Mr. Chairman, let it be borne in mind, erpool and back, 9858,000; and that the proviso contained ocean has been traversed with a precision and regularity that whilst the British Post Office Department in the first section of the act enuilled "An act to supply de. hitherto deemed iinpossible; cominerce and civilization yields a net revenue to that Government of nearly ficiencies in the appropriations for the services of the fiscal have been extended; the colonies have been brought more year ending the 30th of June, 1852, approved the 21st day closely into connection with the Home Government; and

six millions of dollars, her ocean mail steamers of July, 1852, be and the same is hereby repealed:” Pro- steamships have been constructed of a size and power that,

require nearly two millions from the British treasvided, That Edward K. Collins, and his associates, shall withoul Governinent aid, could hardly, at least for many ury over and above the revenue they yield from proceed, with all due diligence, to build another steamsbip years, have been accordance with the terms of their contract, and have the

postages, in order to sustain and keep them in

This extract from the report of Mr. Canning successful operation, and then, sir, we shall undersame ready for the mail service in two years from and after the passage of this act. And if the said steainship is not

demonstrates the objects desired to be obtained stand and appreciate, in some degree, the importready within the line above mentioned, by reason of any by the British Government. England is the great ance attached by the British Government to her neglect or want of diligence on their part, then the said

maritime power of the world. Her statesmen, Edward K. Collins, and his associates, shall carry the Uni

ocean mail -steam marine, as a means of national ted States mails between New York and Liverpool, from with that sagacity which has always characterized defense, should that Government be assailed at the expiration of the said two years, every fortnighi, free English legislators, early foresaw that nothing home, or as potential and efficient auxiliaries to her of any charge to the Government, until the new steamship would so much enhance the commerce of that shall have commenced the said mail service.

navy, in the prosecution of a foreign war.. country as the fostering and protecting of her Great Britain has fostered and taken care of her Mr. OLDS. It will be remembered, sir, that

ocean mail steamers, not because she ever exduring the last session of this Congress, I reported "These large expenditures," says the Viscount, | pected them to be a source of revenue through her from the Committee on the Post Office and Post “have encouraged and promoted the production Post Office Department, but because she looked Roads, a bill, not only containing the notice to of a superior class of vessels, such as will enhance Mr. Collins and his associates, that the extra the commercial wealth of England in time of peace,

forward to the time when she might need their

service as vessels of war. That iime has now compensation allowed them by the act of 1852 and become the means of defense in time of war. come. Great Britain has not been disappointed in would, in future, be discontinued; but, also pro- " The vessels now under contract with the Gov- her expectations. She is now realizing the benefit viding that the whole contract be rescinded, and ornment,” says the Viscount, "are, however, for that the mail service between New York and Liv- the most part, required to maintain high rales of upon her ocean mail steamers. She has now with

of the millions of pounds sterling she has lavished erpool be awarded by the Postmaster General to speed. The contractors are also subject to a variety drawn more than forty of these vessels from the the lowest responsible bidder. That I might be of conditions, designed partly to secure the effi- mail service, has manned them with guns, and able to defend the bill, which, as chairman of the ciency of the postal service, and partly to render converted them into war steamers. From Mr. committee I had introduced, I commenced and gave their vessels available for other national purposes Cunard four of his seven steamers have been taken to our ocean mail steamer service a patient and wholly unconnected with that service. In return, and sent to aid in the blockade of Sebastopol. thorough investigation. That investigation, sir, || they are in the receipt of subsidies largely in ex- Sir, what has been so soon realized by Great notwithstanding all my preconceived prejudice, cess of the amount of revenue derived from the Britain may soon be realized by the United States; has so far changed my views upon the subject, as mails they carry, and those subsidies are guaran- that necessity which has compelled England to to induce me, not only as an act of national policy, teed to them for terms of years varying from four convert her ocean mail steamers into vessels of but also in justice to Mr. Collins and his asso- to twelve, most of which have at the present time war, may soon be the necessity of this Governcjates, to propose the amendment I have indicated. not legs than seven or eight years to run."

ment. Great Britain has wisely acted upon the

been enormous.

ocean steamers.

33p Cong....20 Sess.

Collins Steamers-Mr. Olds.



maxim that“ in peace is the time to prepare for. European Powers to make the renunciation of son has been made by other and abler hands, as I

" It is our province, and we should be unwise privateering an article of international law, ex- shall have occasion to demonstrate before conclud. legislators did we not profit by the experience of presses clearly and forcibly the feelings of the ing my remarks. I must, nevertheless, be permitted that Government.

American people, in their firm reliance upon the to say in this connection, that the Collins steamers I have said, Mr. Chairman, that the British mail merchant and steam marine in time of war. The have done more, for the American name, more to steamers cost that Government nearly $2,000,000 || President says:

establish our prowess upon the ocean, than all more than the revenue derived from them in the " The bare statement of th condition in which the Uni- your Government steamers put together. way of postages. The report of Viscount Can- ted States would be placed, after having surrendered the Sir, you may ask ninety-nine out of every hun

right to resort to privateers, in the event of war with a bilning furnishes us the following tabulat statement ligerant of naval supremacy, will show that this Govern

dred of the citizens of the United States, and they of the debit and credit of each of the English ocean ment never could listen to such a proposition. The navy

can scarcely tell you the name of one of your Govmail steam lines for the British fiscal year for 1852. of the first maritime Power in Europe is at least ten times ernment steamers, unless connected with some It is as follows:

as large as that of the United States. The foreign com- memorable disaster, such as the bursting of the Creditor. Deblor.

merce of the two countries is nearly equal, and about
equally exposed to hostile depredations. In war between

peace maker" on board the Princeton, the utter North American. £120,863 98. 4d, £188,040 that Power and the United States, without resort on our

worthlessness of the first government steamer Ful. West Indian and Brazilian.... 85,409 12 6 270,000

part to our mercantile marine, the means of our enemy to ton, or the total destruction of the Missouriat GibPacific......

5,000 13 6 25,000

inflict injury upon our commerce would be ten-fold greater ralter. But, ask them about the Collins steamers, East Indian.................

127,896 8 0 199,600 than ours to retaliate. We could not extricate our country Peninsular...

11,957 30 20,500
from this unequal condition, with such an enemy, unless

and their memory brightens with the exploits of the Australian. 29,121 12 0 26,000 we at once departed from our present peaceful policy, and

Baltic, the Pacific and the Atlantic; and they are Cape of Good Hope...

14,300 13 0 53,000

became a great naval power. Nor would this country be at once ready to sympathize with Collins and his West Coast of Africa

2.534 20 23,250 better situated in war with one of the secondary naval associates over the unforeseen and unavoidable French........

51,876 80

Powers. Though the naval disparity would be less, the Belgian.. 21,695 90

loss of the noble Arctic. greater extent, and more exposed condition of our wideHamburg and Holland...

8,944 150 17,000

spread commerce, would give any of them a like advantage Go to England, sir, and, as my colleague [Mr. over us.

Taylor) informs me, from his personal observaTotal...... £479,600 58. 4d. £822,390 “ The proposition to enter into engagements to forego a tion, you can hear, in all conditions of life, and

resort to privateers, in case this country should be forced In other words they are paying...... $4,111,950 into war with a great naval Power, is not entitled to more

from all classes in community, of the Collins And receiving in postages....

2,398,000 favorable consideration than would be a proposition to agree steamers—for the triumph of these noble vessels

not to accept the services of volunteers for operations on over the British Cunarders was as mortifying to the Excess of expenditures over receipts....... $1,713,950 land. When the honor or rights of our country require it

English nation, as it was glorious to the American to assume a hostile attitude, it confidently relies on the patriousm of its citizens, not ordinarily devoted to the mil.

people--but you will hear no comment, except in From the above exhibit it will be seen, Mr. itary profession, 10 augment the Army and the Navy, o as derision, upon our Government steamers. The Chairman, that, whilst the Post Office Department to make them fully adequate to the emergency which calls fact is, Mr. Chairman, that every American citizen, yields a net revenue to that Government of nearly them into action."

whether at home or abroad, has reason to be proud, six millions of dollars, her mail steamer service Mr. Chairman, the Government of the United and may challenge the world to compare steamers costs one million seven hundred aud twelve thousand States can no more keep up such a Navy as that with the Collins line; but the less he says of our nine hundred and fifty dollars, over and above the sustained by her great commercial rival than she Government steamers, the less cause he will have whole revenue derived from that service. In the can keep up a standing army equal to that of the to be mortified by disparaging remarks. In short, foregoing exhibit the appropriation to the Cunard Autocrat of all the Russias. The people and the sir, the beauty of model, the excellence in conline is put down at £188,040, or $940,200 an- Government of the United States must rely uponstruction, and the unrivalled performance of the nually. ' But from a careful perusal of Viscount our mercantile, and our ocean mail steam marine, Collins steamers, has done more to establish the Canning's report, one can hardly fail in drawing to protect our commerce upon the ocean, and superiority of the American naval architecture, the inference, that Mr. Cunard 'receives a large defend, in case of a hostile aggression, our extended and maritime enterprise, than the whole Governsum from the British Admiralty, over and above coasts both upon the Atlantic and Pacific. ment Navy of the United States, which is now that which meets the public eye.

It was, sir, in view of such a policy as this, that depleting our national Treasury at the tune of more But I have said enough, sir, to satisfy every, your ocean mail steam lines were originally estab- than $10,000,000 a year. unprejudiced mind that the British ocean mail lished. Your every contract with these lines I ask then, sir, shall we, in the face of such steam marine is sustained, at whatever cost and requires the construction of steamers of great size | facts, suffer this line, for the want of this extra at all hazards, by the British treasury. and power, not because such vessels are demanded

compensation, to go down? For go down it must Mr. Chairman, whilst England, our great com- for the mail service, but because you regard them and will, if this extra appropriation is withheld. mercial rival, was thus, through her ocean mail as national vessels, auxiliary to the Navy of the By large appropriations of money, you have steamers, extending her commerce and her influ. United States. ence into every ocean, and every sea, the Con- | quired these steamers to be constructed under the great size, and power-steamers that are the pride gress of the United States could not remain idle. | direction and supervision of the Secretary of the land boast of the whole country. For, sir, I speak British example aroused our Government to the Navy. For the same purpose you have stipu- || knowingly when I say that the Collins steamers importance of securing and maintaining an ocean lated, in all these contracts, that the Government, are as much the pride of the farmers of the West, steam marine, that should be commensurate with at any moment, may take possession of these as they are of the merchants of New York. the commerce, as well as the political importance steamers and convert them into vessels of war. By the former liberality of Congress, you have of the country.

As illustrating this position still further, I need induced our enterprising citizens to enter into a The American Congress, whilst appropriating only advert to the fact, that the appropriations contest with the enterprise of the Old World. To largely and liberally from the national treasury || for sustaining these steamers upon the two most enter into a contest with the skill, the power, for

the building of war steamers, as an important | important lines are not even made from the reve- and the money of Great Britain. In that contest, arm of the American Navy, did not fail to profit nues of the Post Office Department, but from the American skill and enterprise has triumphed-sigby the policy of Great Britain, and with com- national Treasury, the same as the other naval || nally and gloriously triumphed! Cunard, backed mendable liberality contracted with the American appropriations. The truth is, Mr. Chairman, that by the British admiralty, and supplied from the ocean mail steam companies for the building and E. K. Collins & Co. in accordance with the design | British treasury, has been compelled to yield the the employment in the mail service of the United of Congress, have constructed steamers, not such || palm of victory to E. K. Collins and his assoStates of such steamers, as at any time, in any as'are demanded by the mail service-not such as ciates. Although it was the Collins against the emergency, might be converted into war steamers, can be profitable either in the mail or the merchant Cunard line, yet it was really a national contest. and added to the United States Navy.

service, but such as can be converted at any time | The whole American, as well as the whole British As the policy of our Government has always into war steamers—such as are capable, and such nation, felt it to be such. And for the first time been adverse to a large standing army, relying as have triumphantly competed with the best in the world's history, Old England has been rather upon the patriotic heart and the stalwart steam ships in the world.

fairly, completely, and honorably outdone upon arm of the citizen soldier than the disciplined reg. Sir, ever since the establishment of the Collins the ocean. ular, so the Congress of the United States, rather line, there has been going on between the Amer- Sir, Congress felt this to be a national contest. than keep up a large standing Navy, deemed it ican line and the British line, a continued contest When in 1852, they gave this extra compensation more expedient to encourage the building of such for the palm of victory. I need not tell this com- to Mr. Collins, Congress was then satisfied that steamers, to be used in the merchant and the mail mittee, that American skill, American enterprise, ) Collins, without increased pay, could not sustain service of the United States, as might upon any and American seamanship has been completely | himself against British power and British money. emergency, be converted into war steamers, and triumphant.

Congress, upon a complete and full investigation, added to the naval service of the Government. Mr. Chairman, the Congress of the United became satisfied that "Collins and his associates

The experience of this Government in the war States has expended upon the steam vessels in were entitled to receive the extra compensation of 1812, as to the value and efficiency of American our Navy, more than six millions of dollars. I now sought to be withheld. privateers, like the experience of the United States will not dwell sir, upon the history and the exploits The bill granting that compensation, was fully in the Mexican war, as to the efficiency and reli- of these steamers. I would rather drop a tear to investigated by the Finance Committee of the ability of the citizen soldier, has done much to their memory, and let them sleep in peace; but Senate, and the Committee on Ways and Means establish the confidence of Congress, as well as justice to Mr. Collins and the noble steamers be- of the House. It received the recommendation that of the people of the United States, in the longing to his line, would seem to demand a com- of both these committees, and after a most pasteam mail marine and the merchant service, as parison, between our Government steamers, upon tient and thorough investigation, and a protracted auxiliaries of the American Navy in a time of which we have lavished so many millions of dol- discussion, it passed both Houses of Congress, war.

lars; and the Collins steamers, from which we and received the approval of the President of the Mr. Chairman, the President, in his annual are now called upon to withhold the extra pay United States. It would, at this time, be a reflecmessage to Congress on the 4th of December last, heretofore given them, for the service they are so tion upon the wisdom, the intelligence, and the in speaking of the proposition of some of the creditably rendering the country. This compari- || patriotism of that Congress, its committees, and


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