33D CONG....2D SESS.

Ohio ahead in church comforts more than twe to one.

Mr. DeBow's note (same page) says, "the New England and Middle States, and the Territories and California, have nearly the same average value to their churches, which is nearly FOUR TIMES THAT OF OTHER SECTIONS."

One of the happiest days in man's life is that on which he leads to the altar and weds the object of his tenderest affections. Another of his happy days, naturally succeeding this, is that on which

he receives into his arms his first-born! I cannot say that the gentleman will appreciate this suggestion; but I present the following table from the census to show, that according to this test, the people of Ohio enjoy a higher degree of happiness than those of Georgia.

.....................

............

1 to 1,455. ........1 to 1,013.

Ohio,... Georgia..... Georgia decidedly ahead in fools! Now, Mr. Chairman, I have no disposition to discuss the physical causes which produce these wonderful results. I leave it to others to inquire whether the difference in the character of the labor of the two sections has not an agency in producing these consequences.

Mr. Chairman, it strikes me that this whole question as to the superiority of slave labor, started by the gentleman, is really settled against him by a sensible consideration of the figures quoted by him in his first speech, from the census. I will present the table:

AREA OF THE STATES OF OHIO AND GEORGIA, ETC.
Total
Acres
Value.
Acres
acres. improved.
unimproved.
9,851,493 $358,758,603 *8,146,000
6,378,479 95,753,445 16,442,900
5,803,886 3,473,014 $263,005,158 *8,296,900

Ohio...18,017,493 Georgia 23,821,379

It appears that more than two thirds of the territory of Georgia, an old State, is unimprovedmore than half of Ohio, a young State, is improved. Why is this? Georgia, more than a century settled, has only eight Representatives on this floor, with the advantage of a representation based on her property in slaves. Ohio, half a century settled, has, without a slavery representation, twentyone members!

Ohio farms are valued at.

$36 41 per acre. Georgia farms are valued at............................ 15 01 per acre. What occasions this vast difference? If Georgia agriculture, under slave labor, is as profitable as Ohio agriculture, under free labor, why does not capital seek investments in Georgia lands and elevate their value? If slavery produces a prosperity in Georgia excelling that of Ohio, why are your lands worth, in the market of the world, less

than one half the value of those in Ohio?

The gentleman tells us, and attempts to prove, that the Georgia farmers, manufacturers, and mechanics make a greater profit upon their invest

ments than those of Ohio. If that be true, let him

explain why it is that Ohio lands are worth one hundred and fifty per cent. more than those of his State. He may talk about the "wild boy of the forest shooting at the moon," but the country will look upon his tables as mere "moonshine," and as "spurious in their elements and composition," until he explains the cause of the difference in the value of the soil. Capital always runs in that channel which gives it most profit. The soil of Ohio produces, under free labor, to its farmers and artisans who own it, a greater profit, at thirty-six dollars per acre, than that of Georgia does at fifteen dollars. The value of the soil is a just criterion by which to compare the two systems. Free labor stands at thirty-six — slave labor at fifteen!

Mr. Chairman, this issue which the gentleman has now so boldly presented, with a view to keeping open the door for the admission of slavery into free Territories, is by no means a new one. The time was-aye, the good olden time-when the patriots of the South took a correct view of the proposition. I have only time to quote a few passages from the record. As early as 1774, the patriots of Virginia everywhere resolved against slave labor, giving the most forcible reasons for their opposition. In Culpepper county they assembled 7th July, 1774. Henry Pendleton was moderator, (American Archives, 1st vol., 4th series, p. 523.) They unanimously

"Resolved, That the importing slaves and convict servants is injurious to this Colony, as it obstructs the population of it with freemen and useful manufacturers; and that we will not buy any such slaves or convict servunts hereafter to be imported."

The keen faculties and philanthropic spirit of these patriots enabled them to foresee, and guard against, those fatal causes which would reduce Georgia soil, with slavery upon it, to fifteen dollars per acre, whilst that of the then unbroken wilderness, inhabited only by savages and wild beasts, would be brought up to thirty dollars, if the foot of the slave should not be allowed to make its imprint there.

Again, to bring the matter nearer to the gentleman's home: General Oglethorpe was the first Governor of Georgia. He crossed the briny deep to join the infant Colonies of America in laying deep and strong the foundations of American liberty. I quote his letter from the life of Granville Sharp, page 157: CRANHAM HALL, October 13, 1776.

My friends and I settled the Colony of Georgia, and by charter were established trustees to make laws, &c. We determined not to suffer slavery there, (which is against the Gospel as well as the fundamental law of England,) to be authorized under our authority; we refused, as trustees, to make a law permitting such a horrid crime. The Government, finding the trustees resolved firmly not to concur with what they thought unjust, took away the charter, by which no law could be passed without our consent.

HO. OF REPS.

correct them, it may save them and us from justly menaced destruction. Your most obedient, &c., &c., J. OGLETHORPE.

Would it not now be well for Georgians (who slavery) to take the advice of the old patriarch alone have the power over their institution of who established their Colony, and bring "these abominable abuses under consideration?"

Again, sir, (see American Archives,) the Provincial Congress of Georgia, on the 4th day of July, 1775, resolved unanimously:

"That we will neither import or purchase any slave imported from Africa or elsewhere after this day.""

For the same reasons, the Provincial Congress of Georgia, held at Darien on the 12th January, 1775, resolved to manumit their slaves!

I commend to the gentleman from Georgia the study of the early history of his State, as well as the example-which the record shows-her purest patriots have left for him, for me, and the world. A word or two, sir, in connection with this matter, as to Virginia. A meeting was held in yonder city, on the bank of the Potomac, (Alexandria,) in July, 1774, (see American Archives, P. 600.) The report shows that "George Washington, Esquire," presided. A resolution similar to that which I have quoted from Culpepper was passed unanimously.

But slavery was not driven from the Old Dominion. Now mark the result of the prediction of the men of '74, that it would "obstruct the popula tion of it with freemen and useful manufacturers."

A few days ago a meeting was held in that same One of Virginia's most talented and gifted sons city of Alexandria, in full view of this Capitol. addressed the multitude. His days had been spent within her borders, and he stands high in the esti mation of her people. Recently he had traversed He was fresh from her mountain scenes, her plains, the State, as a candidate for their highest honors. her fields, her cities, her harbors, and her great rivers. Henry A. Wise uttered, at Alexandria, atives, the following beautiful but sad description in the hearing of many Senators and Representof Virginia:

"You have the line of the Alleghany, that beautiful blue

ridge which stands placed there by the Almighty not to ob

struct the way of the people to market, but placed there in the very bounty of Providence to milk the clouds, to make the sweet springs which are sources of your rivers. (Great applause.] And at the head of every stream is the waterfall murmuring the very music of your power. [Applause.] And yet commerce has long ago spread her sails and sailed away from you; you have not, as yet, dug more than coal enough to warm yourselves at your own hearths; you have set no tilt hammer of Vulcan to strike blows worthy of gods in the iron founderies. You have not yet spun more than coarse cotton enough, in the way of manufacture, to clothe your own slaves. You have had, no commerce, no mining, no manufactures. You have relied alone on the single power of agriculture; and such agriculture! [Great laughter.] Your sedge-patches outshine the sun. Your inattention to your only source of wealth has scared the very bosom of mother earth. [Laughter.] Instead of having to feed cattle on a thousand hills, you have to chase the stump tailed steer through the sedge-patches to procure a tough beefsteak. [Laughter.]

I have heard from a Virginian, Mr. Chairman, the rich story of the manner in which the" stumptailed steer" was pursued, and finally captured by those in quest of a "tough beefsteak." The "big niggers and the little niggers, the big dogs and the little dogs, (from Towser down to Pen,) were all summoned to the chase." The steer fled over hill and vale, and finally took refuge in a sedge-patch. As a dernier resort, they set fire to the sedge-patch and captured him. I am officially informed that after he was butchered, his net weight was precisely forty-eight pounds! And, sir, I am honored with a promise of a "hind quarter" of the next steer of that sort that is taken.

The distinguished Virginia orator proceeds thus in portraying Virginia progress and prosperity:

"And yet, while your trust has been in the hands of the old negroes of the plantation-while the master knows as little as his slave about the science, the applied science of agriculture, while commerce, and manufactures, and mining have been hardly known, and agriculture has been neglected-notwithstanding all that, and notwithstanding the effect of this has been that you have parted with as much population as you have regained; notwithstanding all this, say, old Virginia still has a million and a half of popula tion left within her limits. She still has her iron, her coal, her gypsum, her salt, her copper. She still has her harbors and rivers, and her water power, and every source of wealth which thinking men, active men, enterprising men, need apply to." "Her head is in the dust. With

all this plenitude of power, she has been dwarfed in the Union; but by her gods! I say that she has the power now, the energy, the resources-may I say the men? to be put

33D CONG....2D Sess.

upon the line of progress to the eminence of prosperity-to pass New York yet, faster in the Union than ever New York has passed her. [Cheers.] You have been called the "Old Dominion." Let us, as Virginians, I implore you, this night resolve that a new era shall dawn, and that henceforth she shall be called the New Dominion. [Cheering.]"

May God grant it, Mr. Chairman! Let Virginia wake up from her lethargy, shake off the chains which weigh down her energies, and join in that onward march of progress which will bring prosperity to her, glory and renown to our common country, and blessings to the whole human family.

Again, he is reported as having said at another place:

"You all own plenty of land, but it is poverty added to poverty. Poor land added to poor land, and nothing added to nothing gives nothing. [Renewed laughter.] While the owner is talking politics at Richmond, or in Congress, or spending the summer at the White Springs, the lands grow poorer and poorer, and this soon brings land, negroes and all, under the hammer. You have the owners skinning the negroes, and the negroes skinning the land, until all grow poor."

I will not be regarded, I trust, as indorsing the truth of this over-wrought picture of desolation. I do not know that it is just-in fact, I do not be lieve it is just. I certainly should not have ventured anywhere to have uttered it; but I use it as a reply from a southern statesman, to the claim of the gentleman from Georgia for the superiority of slave labor and the blessings of slavery. It comes from the Democratic candidate for the gubernatorial chair of Virginia, and must be regarded, in the South at least, as high authority. I make these quotations, from southern statesmen of the olden times and of the present, in justification of my own position in reference to slavery, and the effects of slave labor. I trust, hereafter, no southern man, will charge me with being a "Free-Soiler," dealing unjustly by the South.

Mr. Chairman, why was the Missouri compromise repealed? I repeat, that the responsibility must rest on the heads of those who are guilty of the act. No one will share more largely in that responsibility than the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. STEPHENS.] His voice and his influence on this floor passed that bill. He was the masterspirit in the great movement, and his intolerance towards the minority during the contest is known to the country. He need not lay the flattering unction to his soul that in the late elections the question was not considered by the people. The "vox populi" has been sent forth from mountain top and valley; from palace and from log-cabin; and it will, ere long, be reverberated in this Hall, in tones not to be misunderstood either by the gentleman or the party in power, with whom he acts, in the language of the maxim: "Cessa regnare si non vis judicare!" "Cease to rule if you will not do justice."

Mr. Chairman, the gentleman seems to be amazed at my tenerity, in entering the lists of debate with him. I have no apologies to make. He seems, too, to compare me to the "wild boy of the forest!" When I was, in truth, a "wild boy of the forest," I remember to have read a story of one who exhibited a disposition somewhat similar to that which the gentleman has displayed on this floor, in pressing the extension of slavery. I think he will find it regularly reported in the Book of Samuel! The Philistines were led on against the armies of Israel by one who seemed amazed that any warrior should have the temerity to meet him:

"The staff of his spear was like a weaver's beam, and his spear's head weighed six hundred shekels of iron and one bearing a shield went before him.

And he had a helmet of brass upon his head, and he was armed with a coat of mail, and the weight of the coat was five thousand shekels of brass."

In short, Mr. Chairman, the old Philistine had brass all over him.

"And he stood and cried to the armies of Israel :" * "Choose you a man for you, and let him come down to me. "When Saul, and all Israel, beard these words of the Philistine, they were dismayed, and greatly afraid. "

But, Mr. Chairman, the record goes on to state, that there came up a "wild boy from the forest,' who had taken the lion by the beard, and smote and slew him, and delivered the lamb from his mouth. He came with simple sling and stone, and went to battle upon his confidence in the Justice of his cause. The brass of the Philistine

did not save him, because there was a soft place in his head!

"And David put his hand into his bag, and drew thence a stone, and slang it, and smote the Philistine in the forehead; and the stone sunk into his forehead, and he fell upon his face, to the earth!”

Thus, Mr. Chairman, fell Goliah of Gath! I see the statement made in the papers, Mr. Chairman, that the manner of the gentleman from Georgia, in his discussion on this subject, bore a strong resemblance to that remarkable man, John Randolph, of Roanoke. This may be true. I am willing the compliment should be conferred upon him; but, sir, I have to say, that were the real" old Roanoke" to rise up from his grave, and with his cutting sarcasm, shrill voice, and bony fin. ger, attempt to deter me from my humble defense of freedom, I would simply quote the fact, that when he was preparing his accounts for eternity, one of his last acts on earth was to give freedom to his slaves, and furnish them homes in Ohio!

Mr. Chairman, this controversy is closed, at least for the present. I leave it as I entered itwith no personal feeling of unkindness towards the gentleman from Georgia, or any other member on this floor. I am firmly, resolutely determined in the future, as I have been in the past, to oppose the extension of slavery; but I seek no conspicuous position in any struggle, A few more short days, and we separate-many of us to meet no more on this side of Jordan. Before another

OHIO.

Ho. OF REPS.

48,207

1,853,937

$204,800,398 107,667,383

$97,133,015

Hemp, dew-rot

ted and waterrotted

none.

Sugar, maple... 4,588,209 pounds, at
Sugar-cane.....
Molasses....... 197,308 gallons, at
Cotton, ginned..

none.

none.

Tobacco........10,454,449 pounds, at 66 ..10,196,371 1,552 48,207 gallons, at 100..

Wool
Silk cocoons...
Wine.....

Georgia products........

Ohio ahead of Georgia........

GEORGIA AND OHIO-SLAVERY. SPEECH OF HON. D. J. BAILEY, OF GEORGIA,

Congress convenes, my mortal remains may sleep Family goods, value of, (returned in dollars).. under the shade of my native buckeye, and I desire we should part in peace. If life is spared me, however, I shall return to these scenes of strife, in obedience to the decree of the people. I shall come to respect the feelings and opinions of others, yet determined to defend my own principles, and the rights of my constituents, under all circumstances, and at all hazards! And, sir, I believe there will be many others from the wildwood of the free forests, each of whom will come here with his "five smooth stones gathered from the brook," ready to defend the right. Should I stand alone, believing that my position on this subject is founded upon the immutable principles of God's justice, I shall not be dismayed when the wild storm may rage in these Halls. Planting myself firmly upon the principles of liberty and truth, as proclaimed by the founders of the Republic, if the Philistines gather around in battle array, I will draw my feeble blade, and bid defiance in the language of the gallant Fitz James, when surrounded by the clan of Roderick:

"Come one, come all-this rock shall fly
From its firm base, as soon as I !"
APPENDIX.

PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE-(Quantities taken from Census Prices from the New York Prices Current, January 25, 1855.)

GEORGIA.

at 60..

Value of live-stock, (returned in dollars).....
Value of animals slaughtered, do...
Wheat......... 1,088,534 bushels at $2 25..
Rye.................... 53,750 66 at 1 35..
Oats........... 3,820,044 66
Indian corn.... 30,080,099 66
Potatoes, Irish.. 227,379
Potatoes, sweet, 6,986,428
Barley....
Buckwheat
Hay...

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
February 28, 1855.

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union

Mr. BAILEY, of Georgia, said:

Mr. CHAIRMAN: It will not be denied to the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. CAMPBELL] that he is distinguished for liberality in extending to others, while he is speaking, the privilege of being heard in explanation. I regret the direction given to this discussion between the distinguished gentlemen from Georgia and Ohio [Mr. CAMPBELL and Mr. STEPHENS] requires, from a sense of respect due from me as a Representative from Georgia, to do what it is well known I seldom do, to intrude upon the time and attention of the House. But, as the gentleman has made reference to the public sentiments of the South, and more especially to Georgia, and claims to be justified in doing so, first by dubbing the gentleman [Mr. STEPHENS] the leader of the South, and then to hold that sec tion of the Union responsible for his vagaries in 13,972,856 politics, it is my duty to reply to him. Will the gentleman allow me a few moments of his time for the purpose of reply upon that subject?

$25.728,416 6,339,762 2,449,201 72.562 2,292,026 30,080,019 454,758

13,226

at 1 00..

at 2 00..

s

at 200.. at 1 15.. at 150.. at 16 C0.. 30..

375 375,184

11,501 66 250 64 23,449 tons 261 pounds at

Hops..... Clover seed... 132 bushels at 6 00.. Other grass seed 428 46 at 4.00.. 20.. Butter.......... 4,640,559 pounds at Cheese...... 46.976 at 10.. Peas and beans, 1,142,011 bushels at 1 50.. Value of produce of market gardens, (as returned in dollars).......

Value of orchard products, do..........
Beeswax and
honey......
Home manufactures.

Flaxseed............. Flax......... Hemp, dew-rotted and waterrotted...

732,514 pounds at

78

792 1,712 928,111 4,697 1,713,016

76,500

133,128 1,838,968 1,088 538

Mr. CAMPBELL. I do not wish to yield the time. If the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. BAILEY] repudiates the position of his colleague, he can say so in a word, and put himself right upon the record.

Mr. BAILEY. I wish to say this: I not only 92,776 repudiate the position imputed by the gentleman [Mr. CAMPBELL] to my distinguished colleague, in reference to the powers of this Government in enacting laws for the disposition and regulation of the Territories, discriminating against the slaveholder of the South, but upon other questions of public policy. It is not my design, Mr. Chairman, by this interruption, to throw the gen tleman from Ohio from his train of argument, and, if I am permitted, will endeavor to secure the floor to reinstate his time, as I deem it, at this point and on this occasion, appropriate to speak what I desire to say.

3

25..

622 bushels at $1 75.. 5,387 pounds at 10..

Cotton, ginned. 199,635,400 pounds at Rice.. 38,950,691 66 at 423,924 " at 990,019 66 at 813

10 tons at 175 00.. 50 pounds at 6.. 846,000 66 at 6.. 49,560 216,245 gallons at 25.. 54,061 9.. 17,966,376 3.. 1,168,520 42.392 346,506 796

1,750

10.. 35..

Sugar, maple... Sugar, cane.... Molasses..

Tobacco....... Wool..

Silk cocoons.... Wine....

796 gallons at 1 00..

Mr. CAMPBELL. Very well; I yield to the

Family goods, value of, (returned in dollars).. 1,467,630 gentleman.

Mr. BAILEY. I do not wish to take advantage $107,667,383 || of the gentleman's courtesy, and will, as I have

33D CONG....2D SESS.

stated, if the floor is obtained by me, allow him || time to conclude.

Mr. CAMPBELL. I trust to the courtesy of the committee to allow me to extend my remarks.

Mr. BAILEY. It was not my expectation or wish, Mr. Chairman, to mingle any opinion of mine in this blackberry and crabgrass discussion between the gentleman from Ohio and the gentleman from Georgia; and if it had been confined to the extent of their respective knowledge of the statistics of the country, I would have been content to remain silent.

deny the jurisdiction of this Government over the question of slavery anywhere, either in the States or Territories, organized or unorganized, it follows that it cannot be made a legitimate question for discussion here.

I

If the gentleman from Ohio seeks to convict my colleague of the abominable doctrine that, by the act of this Government, his constituents in Ohio can occupy the public domain with all their property of every kind and quality, to the exclusion of my constituents, or those of my colleague, it is, suppose, a deduction from the refusal of GeorMr. CAMPBELL, (interrupting.) The gentle-gia's distinguished Representative from the eighth man will allow me to say that I have put the ques- district to answer yea or nay to the question protion on higher ground, namely, freedom and pounded to him upon that subject. I am not the slavery. That is the point. conscience keeper of my colleague; but will tell the gentleman, if an Abolitionist, under like circumstances, should think proper to propound to me questions upon this floor touching this vital question to the peace of the South, I would not give such answer as to leave anything to construction, or in doubt, but would denounce the doctrine, and the Abolitionist, too.

Mr. BAILEY. That is true; but the discussion between the gentlemen is properly characterized, as reference was made to the productive capacity of their respective States, and, if my memory is correct, crabgrass was not the least prominent element in the discussion between them; and I frankly admit that, so far as it relates to that part of their controversy, seeing no practical Mr. CAMPBELL. I do not know that I comgood to result to the country, I entertain no sym- prehend fully the feelings of the gentleman from pathy for either; and however highly they appre- || Georgia in applying to me the term "Abolitionciate their respective States, however much they ist;" sometimes it is meant as an offensive epithet. may boast of the localities in which they live, yet If it is not meant here in an offensive sense I do I have no reason to believe that the people will not care, I am willing to let the gentleman go on. either sympathize with them, or derive great profit If it is, I cannot extend my right further to him. from their efforts upon the subject.

The gentleman from Ohio states truly that no one of the Representatives from Georgia had, upon this floor, taken issue with my colleague, or to deny in this House, that what is usually termed the Wilmot proviso is not the orthodox political faith of themselves or their constituents. I did not suppose at the time the two gentlemen were making themselves the champions of the States of Georgia and Ohio, that if any one remained silent that it was to be construed as an implied assent to what either should say.

Mr. BAILEY. I do not so intend it for the purpose of insulting, but spoke only as I thought was the fact, since I understand him to profess sentiments of disrespect to sacred ties which bind the States in this Union, and to do all he can to inflict the odious principles of the Wilmot proviso, as it is called, upon the Territories. And, Mr. Chairman, I expressed my indebtedness to the courtesy of the gentleman for allowing me to occupy the floor, which he had the right to control; and after this had been done by him, I would scorn myself if the occasion was used to offer in

insult was never sought to be offered by me to any person; and I will maintain sufficient selfrespect to abstain, at all times, from making the House of Representatives the arena to display resentments for grievances. So far as the opprobrium of the word Abolitionistis concerned, if I am not mistaken, I take the acknowledgment from his own lips the last night in the discussion of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories of the Union.

Now, sir, making comparisons between partic-sult; and I think I can say more, that intentional ular States, in presenting here the superior advantages and higher social cultivation of one over another, is not so well calculated to improve that comity, and fellowship, and justice to each which alone can secure the harmony of all; but, sir, on the contrary, it only serves to estrange one section of the Union from the other. Suppose the gentlemen transpose their comparisons from Ohio and Georgia, each known as empires-one in the West, the other in the South-and lead out Delaware and Rhode Island for exhibition with the majestic dimensions of Georgia and Ohio. Now, Mr. Chairman, my political creed teaches that, though small in territorial area, Delaware and Rhode Island are entitled to and have all the attributes of political sovereigns that vain glory attaches to either Georgia, Ohio, or any other State.

The people of Georgia know they live in a State containing more than sixty thousand square miles, with a population rapidly running beyond a million, with a productive capacity to bountifully supply all the wants of man; but, sir, I know them too well to suppose they would tolerate an invidious, taunting comparison with either of those smaller States; and, Mr. Chairman, although not acquainted with the constituents of the gentleman from Ohio, yet I do not doubt they too will not sympathize with him, although he has borne his part in the contest with an ability not to be disputed.

Mr. CAMPBELL. But that is not the point. I want the gentleman to say whether he thinks Congress has the power to exclude slavery from the Territories? That is the point. Do you repudiate the position of your colleague?

Mr. BAILEY. I have already stated that, if such are the opinions of my colleague, I not only repudiate them for myself, but will, in the name of the people of Georgia, deny, here and elsewhere, that such heresy is the public sentiment of that State upon that vital question to their peace; and will continue to do so until they, for that cause, repudiate me, and deny me the right to speak for them.

Mr. Chairman, my colleague is absent on this occasion, otherwise I would endeavor, having been involved involuntarily in this discussion, to criticise his position upon this subject in a manner different from that which I choose to do now; for, while I

Mr. CAMPBELL. I did not say anything upon the subject last night; but I will prove, if this committee will give me the time to do so, that every position I have taken upon the subject of slavery is indorsed by the gentleman's colleague. I have the record here to do it.

Mr. BAILEY. I have already intimated that my purpose was not to discuss the record of my colleague before this committee; but if I do discuss that record at any time, it shall be before the tribunal of a people who have the right not only to pronounce but to inforce their judgment upon any issue that may be made between us. But if I am mistaken as to the remarks made by the gentle; man from Ohio touching the Territories, of course I am disposed to be corrected.

Mr. CAMPBELL. I made the remark in the course of the debate last night, that there was not a man returned from my State to the next Congress in favor of the repeal of the Missouri compromise.

Mr. BAILEY. And I would ask what is the proper interpretation of the admission that "not a solitary member willing to allow the South to be at peace is returned to the next Congress from the State of Ohio," with her twenty-two Representatives standing in the front column of the great States of political power in giving tone and direction to the administrative policy of this Government? It was known to the country before the admission made by the gentleman, that the Democratic party had been defeated by FreeSoilers, most determined in their opposition to the property holders of the southern States, and such Free-Soilers whose political views leaves scarcely a line of dictinction between themselves and unmitigated Abolitionists. If a distinction exists, it is that difference which is between a great devil and a little one. The result of the late elections

Ho. OF REPs.

in the State of Ohio, and in all the States known as free States, where but few have survived the political shock of the number who professed a willingness to permit the South to direct its own domestic policy upon terms of equality with other States in the Union, has demonstrated the power of that element which threatens so much danger to the South. If the hypothesis of the gentleman be true, that the elections in the States alluded to have turned upon the question of opposition to the Kansas and Nebraska bill, or, more properly, the question of right claimed by the Free States, to prescribe, by congressional legislation, terms upon which the people of the South may emigrate to, and make their homes in, the common Territories of the Union, furnishes additional argument of the hostility of the North to the institution of slavery.

It has been contended upon this floor and elsewhere, by distinguished gentlemen, that the Kansas and Nebraska question had but little, if any, influence in the late elections; yet I am constrained to believe otherwise; and from the evidence which has been adduced, with my convictions, it would be the worst duplicity to attempt, by concealment, to lull the fears of the South.

I have heretofore refused to discuss the subject of slavery, because this Government has no jurisdiction over the question, only so far as it is the duty of the Federal Government to extend its protection over it as other property: I deny that the Federal Government has either the power to create or to destroy property belonging to the citizens of the United States-that being a right reserved to the people of the several States. The invasion of this right reserved in the States would be a violation of the compact of federation, and it would furnish more solemn obligations on the part of the people of any State to consult their safety and resist the wrong than is found in the rhetorical flourish of a Chatham,

If it is admitted, or I should say, more properly, if this Government, by any provision of the Censtitution, can, by legislation, embarrass the title of the owner of a negro, or destroy the property recognized and secured by the States, the whole ground is yielded, and the South would stand disarmed of all rightful cause to act by interposing the sovereign will of the State, to defend the people in the full and unrestricted enjoyment of property, subject only to such rational exactions as may be necessary and proper for the preservation of Government. And if the concession is made that the South has no guaranty in the terms of the Constitution, the question of expediency thereby becomes the only limit for the discretion assigned in the legislative action of this Govern

ment.

Mr. Chairman, I am yet to learn that any statesman of the South, whose boldness has led him to avow such doctrine, has, when understood, obtained the indorsement of even a sufficient number to constitute a faction; but at a time when the public mind is withdrawn from vigilant scrutiny of the sentiments of the Representatives upon this subject, it should not be inferred that the people yield their approval, and are compromitted in their right to think, speak, and act, at all times when the exigency arises.

Mr. Chairman, I am no alarmist; but if unwilling to persuade the people that security is found in a state of repose, with an abiding confidence in those they constitute rulers of the public interests, it would be equally false to duty not to point to dangers which are near at hand, and which must come, be realized, felt, known, and seen, when that party is installed into power, which has demolished, wherever the test has been made, the Democracy which stood so recently in serried ranks from one extremity of the Union to the other, directing the administration of this Government for the common benefit of all and hurtful to

none.

In reviewing the history of the country we find that however violent and ungovernable the spirit of partisan strife has exhibited itself, yet when the people, ever prompted to justice, have determined to rescue the Government from the. control of political managers they have never failed to restore harmony to all sections. But we cannot avoid the startling truth, that however potent the people have been in controlling those who had no higher ambition than to aspire to leadership upon

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all questions hitherto constituting the basis of party action, except the subject of slavery, which has become isolated and distinct from all other questions upon which parties have separated, and I would ask the people of the South to inquire for themselves, why is it that those great questions of public policy upon which political parties, from the day the Government was put into operation, have ceased longer to excite the mind of the North? It is, sir, the policy of the Whigs of the free States to make the question of slavery paramount to all other questions. This, I suppose, no one will have the temerity to deny, unless he is grossly ignorant of the issues involved in the elections to which allusion has been made, or determined to conceal the melancholy truth from a confiding constituency. For here in this Hall the declaration has been made and repeated, that one hundred and seventeen members are already elected to the next House of Representatives, who stand pledged to continue the slavery agitation, and urge the restoration of the Missouri compromise. This fully establishes to my mind that but little, if any, reliance can be reposed in any party of the North upon this, which is above all party questions of the South. I can, Mr. Chairman, look around me, in this Hall, and see many noble specimens of true American patriotism, who boldly dared to perform their constitutional duty, by which the equality of the South was restored, and which had been, for more than an age, denied by the Federal Government.

And while I am grateful that virtue was to be found in those northern patriots who directed the legislation of Congress, by restoring equality to that section of the Union in which my fortune is cast, yet the pleasure is almost lost in the recollection of the fact that those by whose agency it was consummated have been, with but few exceptions, cut down and prostrated by the tide of the anti-slavery feeling which swept over the free States. And it is strange to say that those who have thus fallen belonged to one party, and that party whose policy has ever been to do justice to each and every section of the Union. Will any one doubt the party to which I allude? None will doubt that it is the Democratic party. This is not all, sir. My regret is greatly increased, Mr. Chairman, when it is seen that the Whig party of the South, with a full knowledge of the facts before them, fails to do that justice to them that magnanimous impulses can alone prompt.

But I will not despair of the final achievement of victory by the Democrats of the free States over the unnatural alliance of the Whigs of the North with that party of the South. This is not the first of their political reverses while battling for the Constitution, as it is, against the combination of every cast of opposition; and I would cheer them on with every demonstration of confidence, until they attain the higher honor of vindicating the American character against the imputation of incapacity for self-government and indifference to the solemn terms of a written Constitution; for, Mr. Chairman, if the Democratic party cannot attain these ends, no party ever will.

In connection with this subject, I desire to submit a few remarks upon a question which has passed from public attention, as it is germane to the present discussion; and I do so only to direct the attention of southern gentlemen to the fact that, however anxious they may be to divert their fellow citizens from the relations existing between them and other sections of the Union, yet no appliances of politicians can conceal the truth only for a

time.

Has it occurred to you, Mr. Chairman, that, within the short period of less than two years, the confidence which was so eagerly expressed in primary meetings of the people, in the legislative resolves of the States, and more particularly in this branch of Congress, that the slavery agitation had ceased forever, both in and out of Congress; that the sun would rise and set in all time to come upon our country, upon a people united, free, happy, contented, and prosperous? But if doubts were entertained and expressed it was the signal of political death to the unfortunate unbeliever.

This question, above all others, I desire to see this Government not to touch with hostile intentions, as the State of Georgia, in convention of

the people, has declared the ultimatum upon which she will interpose the highest power of her sovereignty; and I ask you not to abuse her patience, or require her to test before the world the sincerity of her professions. And in the position of that State, in which, at present, all earthly ties and interest exist, and where, in future, I desire to remain and share a common fate, whether for good or evil, with my fellow-citizens, other southern States stand side by side with her, and fearful will be the result, should the madness of those who deal in threats attempt to put them to the trial. History will exhibit a jarring record of the age in which we live when it presents one Congress expressing the tone of public opinion upon a subject reversed by the ensuing Congress, as we find at the last Congress, shortly after I was honored with a place here as Representative, the predominant sentiment prevailed that the agitation of slavery was at an end. I allude to what is called the " finality" resolutions, which were thrown into this House, and arbitrarily demanded support as a test of fidelity; doubtless more for Representatives of the South than the accomplishment of any other object. I allude to the resolutions which were adopted by a large majority of that body on the 5th day of April, 1852. The resolutions read as follows:

"That we recognize the binding efficacy of the compromises of the Constitution, and believe it to be the intention of the people generally, as we hereby declare it to be ours individually, to abide such compromises, and to sustain the laws necessary to carry them out-the provision for the delivery of fugitive slaves, and the act of the last Congress for that purpose included—and that we deprecate all further agitation of questions growing out of that provision of the questions embraced in the acts of the last Congress, known as the compromise, and of questions generally connected with the institution of slavery, as unnecessary, useless, and dangerous."

It was my fortune to vote against this resolve, adopted by the better judgment and wise council of Congress. I believed then, and further reflection and continued observation, have confirmed the belief and settled opinion, instead of removing the impressions entertained, that "it was the intention of the people generally to abide the compromises of the Constitution, and sustain the laws and provisions for the delivery of fugitive slaves," was not sustained by the evidence before the country.

On the occasion to which allusion has been made, it was too apparent that many hearts beat with high expectations that a triumph had been obtained over a small number of Representatives then upon this floor. But that triumph was dearly bought, as those Representatives who cast their vote with the majority, have not only been deceived themselves, but have thereby deceived their constituents.

It would have been a pleasant task for me to perform, if I could have concurred in the belief that the questions embraced in the resolutions which are referred to, were a final disposition of the slavery question.

It requires no argument to prove that a resolve of Congress as to the finality of any question, can have any binding force upon the people. The slavery question, like all others, is alone subject to the control of the people, from whose judgment there is no appeal. Those who did not sustain the resolutions from the southern States, were denounced not only as agitators, but unfriendly to the continuance of the union of the States; I trust that those whose judgment upon this question did not concur with the majority may prove to be mistaken; still, Mr. Chairman, my opinions remain unaltered, and I yet entertain doubts and fears.

I am sensible that my opinions have but little influence here, either one way or the other; yet the people whose Representative I am feel some degree of interest in my course, especially upon the slavery question, which is above all other questions with them; and from the time it was manifested this Government was disposed to disregard and restrict their rights in the disposition of the territories acquired from Mexico, a deeper feeling of distrust has fixed upon them; and, knowing their solicitude upon this subject, when, sir, I fail or refuse to represent their views, I shall cease to be their Representative any longer, and ask them to select another.

In the contest of 1850 and 1851, which gentlemen remember as well as myself, the position I

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occupied failed to be adopted by the people of Georgia. Through that contest, which was a fiery ordeal to pass, I was enabled to survive, which can never be forgotten on account of the blows received by those who contended for the rights of the South and the sovereignty of the States.

Justice requires me to say, with all proper respect for the opinions of others, had the policy prevailed of those with whom I acted an humble part, I entertain no doubt whatever of the final settlement of the question, the mere mention of which forms a dividing line between the two great sections of the country, and the agitation of which threatens and perils the existence of the Union.

The councils of our friends, however, were unheeded, and we were forced reluctantly to acquiesce in the opinion and decision of those from whom we differed; and I will say, in regard to the platform which they laid down in language so clear and unmistakable, that the causes they delineated with so much precision upon which they pledged themselves "to disrupt the ties that bind the State to the Union," may never arise.

It is not necessary for me here to speak my opinions of the strength of the Union, or how far it overrides all other political considerations. I am unwilling, however, to hackney the word in every discussion involving the rights of the South to strike vain terror into those who shall attempt to inflict a wrong by refusing the observance of constitutional obligations. I would not be proud of the title of American citizen if I could be induced to put in the balance, to estimate the value of the Union, the greatest blessing, short of Heaven, except the liberties of the people.

Permit me, now, Mr. Chairman, to make a brief allusion to the remarkable attitude in which the distinguished gentleman from Virginia [Mr. LETCHER] presented himself before this House and the country in the course of debate on yesterday upon this subject; his patriotism was shown in the indignant rebuke against the threatened aggression upon the political rights of the South, and the fire of whose eloquence is worthy to be associated with the ancient character of the Old Dominion; if the crisis should come-which may a merciful Providence ever avert-when her citadel of State sovereignty shall be invaded by hostile force, if living, his strong arm will doubtless be raised in its defense, as surely, when he is numbered with things that were, his clarion notes sounded in this Hall will serve to awaken his countrymen to rally to the post of duty.

But, I would ask, is it not a little strange that this valiant defender of southern rights should avail himself of the distinguished position which no one will dispute he occupies here as the leader of the Democratic party, to assail-in fact, to stigmatise-the Administration, a short time ago, for the appointment of a gentleman to represent this Government abroad, who has accorded to him not only talents of the highest order, but a devotion to the South which will bear a comparison with the gentleman himself?

I am unwilling, sir, to withhold from Mr. Soule the benefit of the fullest expression of confidence in his merit as a representative of his country in a foreign land, or to sanction the opinion that he has not carried with him to the post assigned him, the unqualified confidence and approval of the overwhelming masses of the southern people; and if to-day the voice of that section of the Union could be heard, it would come with welcome greeting to the ear of the President of the United States, that he had so far discharged his official duty as to secure the sanction of his countrymen.

I do not mean to say that no discordant note was heard, of grumblers, that the distinguished honor should have been conferred upon one equally deserving with others as Mr. Soulé; for it is well known, when the intelligence was given to the country that Mr. Soulé was accredited as the representative of the American people at the Court of Madrid, a systematic plan of opposition was manifested in that section of the Union which at all times watches the progress of the Government to throw impediments in the way of success to that section of the country whose interests had been represented in the United States Senate by him with such eminent ability.

It will scarcely be denied that this feeling of