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330 CONG....20 Sess.

Kansas and Nebraska, &c.Mr. Campbell.

Ho. OF REPs.

”to só

nature.

tions."

Arkansas-Edward Cross.

made a "tabula rasa, on which you claim the under consideration. In 1850, we dealt with new Virginia–Archibald Atkinson, Geo. C. Drom- | Constitution, " proprio vigore,” carries slavery acquisitions, and I acted upon a principle which goole, Edmund W. Hubard, William L. Goggin, with you into those Territories.

was prominent when the Constitution was formed. John W. Jones, Thomas H. Bayly, Willoughby The gentleman interrupted me at the point where In 1850, when the gentleman made his speech, Newton, Samuel Chilton, William Lucas, Wil- || I was in the act of reading the report of the com- from which I have read, he was taking the honliam Taylor, Augustus A. Chapman, George W. promise committee of 1850, of thirteen, with Mr. orable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Bayly) to Hopkins, and Lewis Steenrod.

Clay at its head. I read from their report, on the task for his supposed heresies in regard to “ sovKentucky-Linn Boyd, &c.

point of validity of acts of doubtful constitutional | ereignty in Territories." I am right glad to give Mr. Chairman, there are others, besides the hon- | authority, long acquiesced in by the people:- him an opportunity to show that he is coming up orable gentleman from Georgia, pledged to these "The committee are aware that it has been contended to the position which I maintain on this point of principles, to whom I pay my respects on these that the resolution of Congress annexing Texag was uncon- the controversy. He takes opposite ground from points. I will venture to look into the record. stitutional. At a former epoch of our country's history, that assumed before their constituents by his nu

there were those (and Mr. Jefferson, under whose auspices These same Texas resolutions went from the the treaty of Louisiana was concluded, was among chem)

merous Nebraska-bill coöperators, to wit: SenaHouse to the Senate for concurrence. Senators who believed that the States formed out of Louisiana could tors Cass, DOUGLAS, Shields, Pugu," et id omne well knew that Mr. Jefferson had said:

not be received into the Union without an amendment of genus.' I leave him and his allies to reconcile " The Constitution has made no provision for our holding

the Constitution. But the States of Louisiana, Missouri, these conflicting elements on a principle, to pro

Arkansas, and lowa, have been all, nevertheless, admitted. foreign territory, much less for incorporaling foreign naAnd who would now think of opposing the admission of

duce “ conciliation and harmony,” regulate tions into our Union !Minnesota, Oregon, or other new States formed out of the

their domestic affairs in their own way," with Senators well knew, too, that these joint resolu

ancient Province of Louisiana, upon the ground of an this parting quotation, which my Sunday school tions recognized a stronger power in Congress on

alleged original defect of constitutional power? In grave
national transactions, while yet in their earlier or incipient against itself cannot stand !' As to change, Mr.

education in childhood prompts: “ A house divided the subject of slavery than the “Wilmot proviso!” stages, differences may well exist; but when once they have Who, in the Senate, voted for that proviso which, been decided by a constitutional mujorily, and are consuin. Chairman, the gentleman has failed to showin 1845, was introduced in the House by the Hon. mated, or are in a process of consummation, there can be cannot show any crooked tracks in my course, STEPHEN A. Douglas? Let the Journal answer: no other safe and prudent alternative than to respect the

by vote or speech, “ here or elsewhere." My decision already rendered, and to acquiesce in it." “ YEAS-Messrs. Allen, Ashley, Atchison, Atherton,

record, public and private, here and before my

The gentleman calls me back so often to the constituents, is open to him. I planted myself, in Bagby, Benton, Breese, Buchanan, Colquitt, Dickinson, Dix, Fairfield, Hannegan, Haywood, Henderson, Huger, paths he has trodden, that I must read a word Johnson, Lewis, McDuife, Merrick, Niles, Semple, Sevier, from the record of the principles he has uttered in ington, Jefferson, and their compeers. I have only

early manhood, on the platform erected by WashSturgeon, Tappan, Walker, and Woodbury”-27, regard to the power of Congress over our Territo- | quoted, not condemned, the gentleman's vote; by Some of these Senators have paid the debt of ries.

way of defending my position against the fire from Of each of such I utter from the depths

In July, 1850, the gentleman said on this floor his own battery. The principle, both as to power of a heart of sympathy, “quiescat in pace!" or I heard him-here he is reported:

and expediency, of excluding slavery from Territhose who, in full life and vigor, are with the gen

“I hold that when this Government gets possession of tories by congressional action, is one which I do tleman from Georgia in his "grand step of pro

territory, either by conquest or treaty, it is the duty of Con-
gress to govern it until the people are prepared to be ad-

not " seemingly,” but positively defend.
gress," or who have raised the Aag of
squatter milted as a Slate into the Union, at the discretion of Con.

Mr. Chairman, other gentlemen justify their sovereignty," I only say, I hope they'll have a gress.

support of the Nebraska act, on the assumption good time of ic" in explaining their record !

The honorable gentleman refers me often to his

that it secures a great principle of DemocracyMr. Chairman, my proposition in the outset

course in 1850. There is another passage in his popular right-squatter's right—that it secures to was, that, whether the eighth section of the Missouri act was constitutional or unconstitutional, its

speech of that year, which I indorse as peculiarly the people of those Territories the right to govern repeal was wrong. It was wrong, because it was appropriate to the present occasion. I read it: themselves, and “regulate their domestic institu

tions in their own way. ." Sir, I do not subscribe a national measure—an act to produce harmony

We live, Mr. Chairman, in a strange world. There

are many things of a strange character about us, but noth- to the doctrine of squatter sovereignty thus asa statute of repose—which had been acquiesced in, ing seems stranger to me than the rapid change which serted. I stand now, and have always stood, for the third of a century, by the people North sometimes takes place in men's opinions upon greut ques- where the gentleman from Georgia stood in 1850, and South, and which they did not wish to disturb.

when, following the lights of the greatest statesThe validity of even unconstitutional acts, thus Mr. STEPHENS. One word, if the gentleman men of the country, he made the declarations on acquiesced in for a long period of time by the || pleases. I do not wish to be misunderstood. I this floor which I have quoted. I cannot indorse partits originally

in conflict, has never before been am to-day as much opposed to what he calls all that my good friend from Indiana (Mr. set at defiance. The precedent the gentleman calls “squatter sovereignty" as I was in 1850. What | Mace] has said on this subject; I regard this on the free States to establish, might lead to dan- I understand by this term, squatter sovereignty,' new-fledged doctrine of “squatter sovereignty” gerous consequences. An act to drive from the is the inherent right of the people of a Territory of as the veriest humbug of the age, and I repudiate Union Louisiana, Florida, Texas, California, the United States to set up governments for them- it. It could not have originated elsewhere than &c , because the Territories had been acquired selves, independently of Congress, and without in the disordered brain of some aspiring politician. without authority under the Constitution, would || looking to this Government for permission or au- I draw the distinction,sir, between that true popular not receive much favor from the true “friends of thority to do it. This I denied in 1850, and deny. I sovereignty which retains to the people of all the the Union," either North or South.

now. I said then, and now, that the government of States, through their Congress, the right to make During the excitement of 1850, the Senate the Territories devolved upon Congress in the first all needful rules and regulations respecting the Terappointed a compromise committee of thirteen, instance. It is the duty of Congress either to make | ritory," and the “squatter sovereignty” which with Mr. Clay at its head. The committee re- laws for them, or to provide for their making laws claims for the small number of persons who might ported the measures termed the "compromise of for themselves. There is no sovereignty in the Ter- || chance to get into these Territories, either from 1850,” which the gentleman subsequently sup- || ritories, except that which flows from us; so long romance, or from a spirit of speculation, or from ported.

as they belong to this Government their powers fear of constables, sheriffs, or marshals, just Mr. STEPHENS. Do I understand the gen- are not original and absolute, but derivative. And

before or just after the act repealing the Missouri tleman to say that I was in favor of Mr. Clay's || those rights in the people there, to form such compromise passed, such important powers over report?

institutions for themselves, which I advocate, are so vast a domain, covering an area larger than Mr. CAMPBELL. You supported the com. such rights as I think it wise, proper, prudent, and that of the old original thirteen States of North promise measures as they passed, which originated republican for us to permit them to enjoy. The America. The idea strikes me as ridiculous, and with that committee.

governments of Kansas and Nebraska, which I protest against it. Mr. STEPHENS. I desire to say to the gen- | permit the enjoyment of these rights, were pro- Why, sir, when the bill was passed, the soil tleman that I was not in favor of Mr. Clay's | vided or established by Congress. All the powers | there belonged to the Indians. They were the true report; and was, moreover, opposed to the meas- under them emanated from Congress; we granted sovereigns, " Native, to the manor born”?—"the ures reported by his committee, until they were them. This is wholly inconsistent with the idea red men," perhaps the real "Sams” of whom amended. The reason of my opposition was, that of territorial sovereignty, or sovereignty in the we hear so much, though“ Know-Nothing." Our Mr. Clay's proposed measures did not have a people there, independent of Congress.' It was Government has recognized their rights by solemn guarantee as to Utah and New Mexico, that those against this doctrine that the speech was made treaties. If, by honest and fair purchase, or by States should come into the Union with or without from which the gentleman quotes. As to the practicing upon them again the frauds of the past, slavery, just as the people should determine for quotation about change of opinion, I reiterate the we obtain the right to occupy that soil, it will be themselves; and it was never until that amend. same now; and, for illustration, the gentleman will come the property of the twenty-five millions of ment was adopted, on the 17th of June, that I || pardon me for expressing my great surprise at || people in the States, whose money will be paid to was for the compromise measures, and when that || hearing him to-day making a speech seemingly extinguish the Indian title, and whose money will amendment was inserted, my whole soul was en- against the “Wilmot proviso," and in favor of be expended for territorial government. In the listed in its support.

the sanctity of the Missouri compromise, and people of the States, and those to whom they delMr. CAMPBELL. The gentleman's "whole quoting, with apparent approbation, the language egate their powers, through the ballot-box, ought soul” support did not come up to the work in 1845, of Mr. Clay's report, that grave national ques- to remain the sovereignty of making, under the when he voted to force the Wilmot praviso tions, which had once been settled by constitutional Constitution, “all needful rules and regulations,' upon the people of Texas, when they might wish | majorities should be acquiesced in. These senti- il until State sovereignty may assert its rights. That to adopta constitution without it. Besides, there ments did not seem to meet with the gentleman's "squatter sovereignty” that claims these great is a wide difference in the principles as settled by approbation in 1850, else why did he not then privileges and immunities, for the first few men, the territorial acts of 1850, and the Nebraska bill. acquiesce in the settlement of 1820, and go for the who go there either before or after the passage of Slavery is excluded from Utah and New Mexico Missouri line?

the Nebraska act, from honest or dishonest moby the old Mexican law which you did not repeal Mr. CAMPBELL. The settlement of 1820 | tives, whilst they demand, from the Treasury of the in 1850. By the Nebraska act you claim that you ll affected 'only the Territory and questions then Federal Government, the money to make the very 330 CONG....20 Sess.

Kansas and Nebraska, &c.Mr. Campbell.

Ho. OF REPs.

enumera

roads upon which they travel to the ballot-box and the Executive, to enforce it. The beauty of our to me a bitter pill, sugar-coated, as it is, with the go to mill, strikes me as an absurdity, and I do system, in its purity, consists in the fact that each words“ squatter sovereignty." There is not in all mark it to-day in this House, in the face of what- one of these departments, though a coördinate the Russias a province where the people have not ever may be the off-hand expression of public part, is independent of the others. If all were as much power to “regulate their domestic instisentiment.

concentrated in one man, whatever the name given | tutions in their own way," as is guarantied to the But I proceed a step further. There is no sov- to it, the government would be a practical despotism. 1 people of Kansas and Nebraska by this act, indeereignty over the question of slavery, secured by Now, sir, in this crucible I proceed to ascertain pendent of presidential power, to exclude slavery the Nebraska bill, either to the people of the States the real power of the people in Kansas and Ne- from their soil. or of the Territories it provides for. It is most true, braska, under this act, over the question of slavery, There is one other provision of the act that sir, that the fourteenth section declares that: and to "regulate their domestic institutions in challenges attention. It is that which gives for" It is the true intent and meaning of this act not to legistheir own way."

eigners the right to vote on condition. late slavery into any Territory or state, nor to exclude it Who is to execute law there? The Governor. The fifth section provides: therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to Who selects him? Not the people, but the Presiform and regulate their doinestic institutions in their own

“That the right of suffrage and of holding office shall be dent, who can put him in or kick him out, at will, way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States."

exercised only by citizens of the United States, and those independently of the will of the people of the Ter- who shall have declared on oath their intention to become This provision, as an isolated part of the act, || ritory. (Section 2.) Who constitute the judicial such, and shall have taken an oath to support the Constilooks fair at first glance. It looks like vesting sov- power? The judges selected by the President,

tulion of the United States and the provisions of this aci." ereignty in the people there. But we must investi- || (section 12;) and, for the present, "all township, In this connection I quote the constitutional progate the matter to ascertain whether this declara- district, and county oficers” shall be appointed vision, that Congress shall have power to protion is not a shadow rather than a substance. This | by the President's Governor. (Section 7.) vide a uniform rule of naturalization !" Upon what Nebraska bill is, in my judgment, a cheat, sir. Its The only remaining branch of governmental principle of just popular sovereignty Congress northern friends contend that slavery cannot go power is the Legislature. Section four provides for may allow a foreigner, in a Territory, the highest there now; its southern friends claim that it can. a Council of thirteen, and a House of twenty-six right of a citizen--that of suffrage-the day he Both know that slavery could not enter under the members. It says: “ previous to the first election arrives on our shores from Baden, when it has eighth section of the Missouri act. If it is still the Governor shall cause a census or enumeration of declared by its acts that he must reside five years excluded, what is gained by the repeal? Why the inhabitants and qualified voters of the several and make certain proof of attachment to our instithis renewal of strife? " Cui bono?" Who is counties and districts of the Territory to be taken tutions before he can be a citizen, and make the cheated? It is said by its friends in the North by such persons, and in such mode, as the Governor || rule “ uniform," is not clear to my mind. I do that the people of the Territory "are left perfectly, shall designate and appoint. On this "

not propose, however, to discuss this matter of .free” to exclude it by an act of the Territorial tion of inhabitants," (which of course includes naturalization now. There will, no doubt, be Legislature, and this is what they call “squatter | blacks, old and young, for southern gentlemen will time for work on that subject in the future, when sovereigaty.” Its southern friends do not so not take the position that "a nigger" shall not the question is more appropriately before us. understand the bill, and hence they voted down be regarded an "inhabitant,'') the Governor dis- Besides, my friend from Tennessee (Mr. Tarthe amendment offered by Mr. Chase, in the Sen- tricts the State and apportions the representation. 1 LOR) has given notice of a bill to reform the natate, and by the gentlemen from Indiana and Maine, (Section 4.) This gives the Governor greaturalization laws. He may be one of 'em," of (Messrs. Mace and Fuller,) in this House, | powers; the people none, to regulate their affairs. whom the disclosures speak, and it would be manigiving to the people, in express terms, power to Nor can I see why the honorable gentleman from festly wrong in me, an "outsider,” to trench on exclude slavery.

Missouri (Mr. Oliver) should complain about his ground. My only, purpose is to look into the The southern friends of the bill hold that the emigrants from New England, whilst the negro “' foreign sovereignty of this Nebraska act; and people of the Territories are not left perfectly child sent from his district, which adjoins Kansas, I would inquire, if it was the intention to give a free,” by the terms of the fourteenth section, I would weigh just as heavily in these census tables foreigner who seeks liberty in this land the right whilst in a territorial form, to exclude it, and that as the honorable member from Massachusetts, of a sovereign, why did you impose on him the they are prohibited from so doing. Their acts (Mr. Goodrich,) who has been paraded as presi- || humiliating condition of swearing to the principles must be “subject to the Constitution.” The south- dent of some society, would, if there; and whilst of such an act, as we show this to be? ern doctrine claims that, into Territories which are his constituent, who goes into one county with Mr. Chairman, by way of illustrating this matthe common domain of the States, where slavery ninety-nine negroes, would count as much in the ter, I hope to be pardoned for relating an incident, is not expressly inhibited, they may take and legislation as any hundred live emigrant Yankees! in my personal observation, a few months since. hold their slaves under the Constitution, and that Next comes the election. The President's Gov. After the Nebraska act passed, the weather was any territorial law excluding slavery would not ernor appoints the time and place" for that, and hot, and we were all jaded and wearied. Availing be subject to the Constitution, but in violation it is to be conducted in such manner as he shall myself of the recess, I went to Boston to spend the of a right "resulting from it,” and, therefore, designate. When the people meet at the polls to fourth of July. In company with the learned At. void. This, I understand, is the view of the gen- settle this matter of slavery, the qualified voters torney General, (Mr. Cushing,) I passed through tleman from Georgia, (Mr. Stephens,] and hence may cast their suffrages. But, the ballots are to Boston Common at sunrise of that morning. it follows that, by his Nebraska act, he as effectu- be received, the election superintended, the qual. There was a scene to make the heart glad. All ally exercises congressional power to prevent the ifications of electors decided upon, the votes was animation and life-the busy preparations of people of these Territories from excluding slavery, counted, and the returns made, by such persons as the city authorities to accommodate the million, as the joint resolutions of 1845 prevented a part the Governor may appoint, (section 4.) And the upon the Common, the fluttering of the stars and of the people of the State of Texas from intro- act does not even require that these persons shall be stripes at every point, the roar of artillery, the ducing it. It is another case the gentleman's sworn to the honest and faithful discharge of these || clear, sweet chimes from the church bells, anrecord furnishes, which would seem to be "tan- high duties, involving the destiny of an empire. nounced that it was Independence morning. To tamount to usurpation !” I ask again, who is With such powers over the ballot-box of South avoid the heat, I afterwards took a steamer to cheated ? The southern view of the Nebraska Carolina, a Governor might easily, if he chose, cross to Nahant. Passing over the waters of that act has the advantage in this, to wit: that it send into this Hall, to represent her, such men as harbor, viewing a thousand national flags from seems to recognize slavery as an institution there my colleague, (Mr. Giddings,) or Garrison, and shipping and house top, amid the roar of cannon by authority of law, as the ninth section ex- others, more obnoxious to her people. Yet, this from Boston Common, with Bunker Hill's monpressly provides for writ of error in cases is the character of the machine recently invented ument in the distant view, (musing over the incivolving litle to slaves!and patented as "squatter sovereignty!"

dents that had occurred thereabout in the good Mr. Chairman, upon the hypothesis, (most Fear of accidents has stationed another guard | olden time,) my attention was directed to a large favorable to the northern view of the question,) over the people's will, armed with a more formi- ship which lay at anchor. We passed within an that, through a territorial law, the people may ex- dable weapon-one which has often made its hundred yards, and I saw her decks crowded with clude slavery, I propose to examine whether the il deadly strokes upon true popular sovereignty: It human beings, her crew scouring and cleaning the people are, by the machinery which the act imposes | is the veto power, in the sixth section, which enables | vessel, and ihe surface of the water, for a great on them, left“ perfectly free." I will submit it the President's Governor to defeat any legislative distance, strewn with old beds, bedding, chests, to analysis, and ascertain what per cent. of its act in regard to slavery, or any other“ domestic || &c., &c. My first idea was that it formed a component parts gives to the people sovereign | affair," unless passed in both branches by two part of the celebration of the fourth, and that power-how much of it is " democracy," and thirds of the representatives of the people. Is it ihere had been a casting overboard of a sham cargo, how much despotism !” We have heard many not, Mr. Chairman, bad enough to clothe any one by way of reviving a recollection of the old Boston elegant speeches upon the popular theme of man with power like this, over the Representa- | harbor tea party! My curiosity was soon satis“ man's power to govern himself”-one of the lives' will, and call it democracy? Is it not an fied on inquiry. The ship, I was told, was one ablest was “that speech at Romeo," by the distin- outrage to give it to a Governor, appointed by the of those engaged in the “carrying trade”z_that is, guished Senator from Michigan.

President, and beyond the control of the governed, she was in the employment of foreign GovernWhat is a Democracy? Where the people gov- at any time; but especially when you say that ments or their agents, to bring over, at a fixed rate ern. The gentleman from Missouri (Mr. OLIVER) | their will shall settle the question between freedom per head, their paupers and felons. She had just truly remarked, yesterday, that a mass meeting and slavery in these yasi Territories? Is it not arrived with a large cargo, and disease had broken of the people, to make laws, would be impossible. an insult to American intelligence to call such She was on quarantine; and the crew were There is no such Government as that on earth. || provisions “popular sovereignty,” and bellow at work in the business of purification preparatory Ours is a Representative Democracy--the people " Man's power to govern himself?"

to another voyage. I was pointed to the hospital, delegating, through the ballot-box, to their agents, I have briefly passed over and analyzed this to which these persons had to be sent at public their power w govern. What are the powe act. I denounce it as transferring the just power expense, until the health officers pronounced them ers, or elements, of a government? They are of the people of the States to the national Execu- in condition to be put on shore without danger. compriseú in three subdivisions: the Legislative, tive, already swelled with its enormous powers of | Subsequently, a gentleman who had been aboard to make the law; the Judiciary, to expound it; || Federal patronage and the veto. The transfer is ll gave me a description of the condition of the per

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Kansas and Nebraska, &c.-Mr. Campbell.

330 Cong....20 Sess.

Ho. OF REPS.

taken away

Bons of some of these poor beings, which was too act presented the worst chapter for the South that late elections, I answer, emphatically, No. I loathsome to be repeated. Now, sir, by the pro- had ever been made in congressional proceedings, angwer as I did the charge of " faction" made vision of the act I have quoted, each of these when the lawful rights of a minority were crushed by the gentleman from Georgia at the midnight paupers and felons thus forced to America, if in under the iron heel of the power of numbers. close of the longest sitting ever known to ConKansas, could be made a sovereign in ten minutes, || Though the gentleman from Georgia, at midnight | gressional Journals: “We will resist this great wielding as much power, through his vote, as hour, hurled at us the charge of faction," be- wrong, with all the power God has given us, to the last “ Sam. Adams," who threw the lea into Boston cause we but exercised the power under the rules extremityto the bitter end." harbor could have if there. Those who supported which he used when, in 1850, he was standard- On the other hand, in the North, men driven this bill may make Buncombe speeches in regard bearer in resisting a recognition of the sovereignty | into a phrenzied condition by those acis, forgetting to their liberality to foreigners; but the wind is of California, we were no mean minority. The that northern avarice had much to do with the somewhat taken out of that sail amongst intelligent vote on the great question of its passage stoodll original introduction of slavery, and that it has emigrants, who,coming here for liberty, and from yeas 113, nays 100; and this, too, when many become almost inseparably interwoven with the choice of Governments, find they cannot vote until members voted for it on the alleged ground that the very fibers of society in some of the States, look they degrade themselves by swearing to the prin- measure was tendered by the free States !

to disunion as the only means of abolition. They ciples of an act they cannot approve.

Mr. Chairman, “ there is a North!" These meet on the 4th of July, and celebrate it by burn'In this connection I would put a proposition to election returns prove it. That North comes backing the Constitution ! those who voted for this bill, and through them, to this Hall in ihe next Congress to claim a re. Sir, I am against disunion, and would strike it to their confiding constituents, who indorse it on dress of the wrong, and she will be backed by the || down. But, if union is to carry with it the proptheir recommendation. If the act is a proper fair-minded people of the South who never de- osition to extend slavery, to commit the General exponent of the true theory of self-government, manded the repeal of the Missouri compromise. Government to the principle of increasing wrong, why do you not advocate the engrafting upon She will come, I trust, with firmness, and with no its moral power and its value cease. The free your several State constitutions and laws just disposition to remedy one wrong by perpetrating States have taken a stand. Neither a renewal of such provisions? Why not have" popular sov- another. She will come, I hope, with a determin- the cry of “ Disunion," nor the taunt of “ Aboereigoty" of the same sort in Virginia? Why not alion to vindicate and restore her rights, and yet | lilionism,” will drive them from it. in South Carolina? In Alabama, &c., &c.?' If it to maintain the majesty of the law. To me, sir, Let it bring to me, if it must, the taunts of fel. 18 Democracy for Kansas, why not make it it will be a proud spectacle when the unbroken low-members here, and the jeers of the million Democracy for Georgia? I can understand why | delegation of twenty-one members from my native | elsewhere; I shall remain firmly upon the ground Senators voted for or against the provision sepa- Ohio, approach that Speaker's desk to take the that I have always occupied: That slavery is local, rately, with a view to weigh down and kill the bill; oath prescribed, and pledged before their sover- not national; that the States where it exists have but why anybody could vote for the final passage eigns to restore that which has been so wantonly a constitutional right to enjoy it, accompanied by of such a bill with such a weight, remains with me

the riglit to reclaim fugitives, and may themselves a mystery

I am no prophet, have no vision into the mists dispose of it in their own way, yet must support Aside from all considerations which I have of futurity; yet, sir, allow me to predict that it without further aid, direct or indirect, from the passed over, the manner in which the bill was intro- | slavery never can become a fixed institution in balance of the Union. These, I believe, were the duced, and passed through this House, is, of itself, Kansas and Nebraska-I care not who may be sentiments of Washington, of Jefferson, and of sufficient reason to induce us to retrace our steps sent as Delegate, with power only to talk on this Madison. Where such men lead, I follow, with conspeedily. The motion of the gentleman from New floor. If « God's law," upon which Daniel fidence, condemning equally “filibustering” in the York, (Mr. CUTTING,) which prevailed, and car- Webster based his celebrated speech of March 7, South and “Constitution.burning" in the North. ried it to the Committee of the Whole on the state 1850, does not keep it out, independent of human As to the remedy. It is not now in our hands. of the Union, was a legitimate proceeding. The action, “popular sovereignty” will make a law to Let some patriotic southern man, who voted for various motions subsequently made to set aside do the work. The free States will decree it; the the repeal of the eighth section of the Missouri other measures of importance on the Calendar, in friends of union, and peace, and harmony-the | act, on the ground that the “ North tendered it," order to reach it, were unusual, and repugnant to supporters of solemn compacts in the slave States come up with bold, manly, patriotic voice, and the general course of parliamentary proceedings. I will affirm the decree.

propose to restore it, as a response to northern The general principles of the bill were fully dis- Mr. Chairman, I fear there is a spirit of dis- | popular demand. Until it is restored, you will cussed under the hour rule; but under that rule union somewhere lurking under these propositions have no promise of harmony in this Hall. the details of no measure are acted upon. Hence to carry slavery everywhere-North and South. A word, sir, in conclusion, in reference to the the laws for the regulation of our proceedings have When the free States raised their opposition to present Administration. I did not come here wisely provided, by the 127th rule, as follows: annexing, Texas, very many meetings were held this session to make war upon it. It is wrong “Upon bills committed to a Committee of the whole

in the slave States. They passed threatening to strike the fallen ! The Administration has House, the bill shall be first read throughout by the Clerk, resolves. The following, from a meeting "numer- fallen! A year ago the 4th of last March, we and then again read and debuted by clauses, leaving the ously attended” in Alabama, I present as a specie || witnessed in that broad and beautiful avenue the preamble to be last considered; the body of the bill shall not be defaced nor interlined; but all amendments, noting the men:

most magnificent pageant ever displayed in the page and line, shall be dily entered by the Clerk on a separate Resolved, That the possession of Texas is infinitely capital of the nation. The President was elected paper, as the same shall he agreed lo by the committee, and more important to us of this section of the Union than a by an overwhelming maj rity of the people's votes 80 reported to the House."

Longer anneration and friendship with the northeastern
States, and if we have to yield either, it cannot and SHALL

over the "greatest captain of the age”-one who The Nebraska bill never was again read and NOT BE Texas!"

had served most gallantly on many battle-fields ! debated by clauses" in committee. Your Clerk only

It was then that the venerable gentleman from

He was borne triumphantly by the masses, amidst read the first section, under the rule, and there are | Missouri (Mr. Benton) sounded the tocsin of

the joyous shouts of thousands, from the wets thirty-seven sections to the bill. The honorable alarm from his place in the Senate Chamber. In

end of Pennsylvania avenue to the eastern front gentleman from Georgia, by what was caled "a his speech of 1844 he said:

of this Capitol. There, apparently in manly style, most ingenious proceeding"-one that, it was said,

he delivered an inaugural address, which was

“DisUNION IS AT THE BOTTOM OF THIS LONG-CONwas suggested by my honoroble colleague, (Mr. CEALED Texas MACHINATION. Intrigue and speculation

scarcely excepted to by even those opponents OLDS,) who was chairman of the Committee of cooperate, but disunion is at the bottom; and I'denounce who sought causes of objection. He solemnly the Whole, but for the originating of which the it to the American people. Under the pretext of getting renewed the pledge which two years before had gentleman from Georgia had the credit-struck Texas into the Union, the scheme is to get the South out

been signed by the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr.

A separate confederacy, stretching from the Atlantic out the enacting clause. Then a motion was made

to California, (and hence ihe secret of the Rio Grande del STEPHENS,) to wit," that slavery agitation in Conto report the bill from committee to the House Norte frontier,) is the cherished vision of disappointed gress and out of Congress should cease.” Thence before it was " read and debated by clauses. On ambition: and for this consummation every circumstance he was ushered into the White House with the this motion there was not a majority of the House has been carelully and artfully contrived."

greetings of the people’s glad huzzas ! voting, and the Constitution provides that “less Texas was annexed-the free States yield ed Congress again met apd opened its last session than a majority can do no business." Yet, sir, In 1850, new demands were made, accompanied in harmony. The Administration threw this apple in face of this Constitution, in violation of the with similar threats; and on this floor the pronun- || of discord among us. It pressed upon us the letter and spirit of the law of the House, the bill ciamento was declared; yield, or let discord reign consideration of ihe Nebraska bill, and through was forced from the committee. The point was forever !” The measures pussed the mass of the its organs, sought to influence the Representatives made to the Speaker, at the time, who, with great people acquiesced.

of the people both through fear of punishment propriety, in my judgment, said, in substance, In 1854, people in the slave States are seeking and hopes of reward:that he had no power, under the rules, to go be

of to

granting lands had been done in committee. In a few minutes, | demanded; and mysterious proceedings are going | support those stricken poor whose intellects have those very members who, in committee, had voted on at the proposed "naval depot in St. Domingo." been taken from them by the Almighty. At the to cul the head off the bill, voted in the House to put These things look like a desire for a separate con- same time, under very peculiar circumstances, it it on again, and, under the screw of the previous | federacy: In the mean time you repeal the old approved the Minnesota bill, granting near a question," and the remarkable rulings of the Chair, Missouri compromise, and declare a principle, | million of acres of these lands to a New York and of the majority, we were brought to the vote which, if carried out consistently, must take Wall street company.

A bill, sir, which, after a on the final passage of the bill.

slavery into the Territories of Minnesota, Oregon, base forgery had been made upon it, passed the It is no time now to review the inconsistencies Washington, Utah, and New Mexico. More than | Senate on the 28th of June. The President's of those rulings. The record is here now, and that, it pledges the Government, before the eye of signature, of immediate approval, was necessary the time to produce it will come hereafter. I the civilized world, to extend and strengthen Afri- in order to take from the pioneer people of Minshould not wonder, sir, if the day should come to can servitude.- Do the people of the slave States nesota that immense grani, and secure it to Wall prove the statement of the Charleston editor true, demand this? Will the people of the free States street brokers. On the 29th of June he approved who said that the proceedings on the Nebraska II submit? Upon the authority of their voice in the Il it. So speaks the record:

of it.

330 CONG....20 Sess.

American PoliticsMr. Banks.

Ho. OF REPs.

90 cents..

cents...

cents....

30

cents

cents....

cents....

Thousands of voices broke upon our ears from Value of 46,976 pounds cheesc, at 15 cents,

7,046 40

ble in the efforts made in the Territories referred the laborers of the interior, asking appropriations

Value of 23,449 ions hay, at $16...

375,184 0:

to. The people of Massachusetts, so far as they Value of 132 bushels clover seed, at $6.

792 00 to improve their rivers and lakes-the means which Value of 428 bushels other grass seed, at

engaged in the emigration movements, acted God had given to bear from the arm of American $2 50 .....

1,072 00 in good faith. They sent to the new Territories industry its products to the place where Necessity Value of 261 pounds hops, at 30 cents .....

78 30 of Kansas and Nebraska its best men; men who demanded them. These appeals were not sec

Value of 5,387 pounds flax, at 10 cents..

538 70 Value of 622 bushels flax seed, at $1 75...

were calculated to advance the prosperity of any tional, but national. The appropriations were

1,088 50 Value of 813 pounds silk cocoons, at ......

State, to establish sound institutions, and who voted by the President's friends in Congress-by Value of 50 pounds maple sugar, at 6 cents.

3 00 intended to do injustice to no section of the country. wise constitutional lawyers, by statesmen of long Value of 1,642,000 pounds cane sugar, at

But it was not with Missouri as it was with Mas.

6 cents... experience in the Senate under the solemnities

98,520 00

sachusetts. Within a few days an official letter, Value of 216,150 gallons molasses, at 25 cents of their oaths. The Administration, whilst assert

54,037 50 Value of 734,514 pounds beeswax, at 15

a kind of quasi proclamation, has been received ing the doctrine of: “popular sovereignty” to be cents.....

109,877 10 here from Governor Reeder, which he declares its prominent characteristic, responded to the public

Value of homemade manufactures.........

1,838,968 00

distinctly, that a public meeting, held in Kansas, will, “ I velo:"

$65,488,267 18

for the purpose of controlling the government of It cast from high places of trust and from low

that Territory, was composed of the citizens of ones—from the foreign court and from the village

Ohio-Agriculture.

Missouri, and not those of Kansas; and that they post office-men,“ honest, capable, and faithful," Improved land, acres....................

did not come there to act as citizens of that Terriwho dared, in defiance of its dictation, to exercise, Unimproved land, acre3................ 8,146,000 tory, but for the purpose of controlling its insti. independently, the sovereign rights of American

tutions, in which, as citizens of Missouri, they Cash value of farms... freemen; and appointed, in their stead, those who

$358,758,603 00 had neither interest nor right. They were organ

Value of farning implements and mawere neither fitted by birth, by education, nor by

chinery ...

12,750,585 00 ized for that purpose, and they seem to desire, other high qualities of manhood, to fill the sta

not only to participate in the election of a territotions:

Total value of real and personal estate.... $504,726, 120 00 rial Delegate, but also manifest a determination to

Value of live stock.. It repealed the Missouri compromise. Yes,

44,121,741 00 Value of animals slaughtered

7,439,243 00

influence the Governor in the performance of his bir, it tore from the record that great act of our Value of 14,487,351 bushels wheat, at $2., 28,944,702 00

executive duties. These are his words: fathers, rendered sacred, as it had been, to the Value of 425,918 bushels rye, at $1.....

425,918 00

“ The meeting was not of the citizens of Kansas,' as people of the North, and of the South, by the

Value of 59,078,695 bushels Indian corn, at

53,170,825 50

your proceedings will show, if you will produce them. It great cause of our national Union, in which it Value of 13,472,742 bushels of oals, al 50

was a meeting composed mainly of citizens of Missouri, originated, and the long acquiescence of all the

and a few of ihe citizens of Kansas. Your own body,

6,736,371 00 Stales. It has reopened, in violation of its solemn Value of 10,454,449 pounds of tobacco at 7

whom I am now addressing, contains two undoubted resi.

dents of Missouri, one of whom is your chairman, who vows, the bleeiling wounds" which the“ healing

731,811 43

resides with his family, in the tourn of Liberty, Missouri, as Value of 10,196,371 pounds of wool measures" of 1850 were designed to cure. It has

3,058,911 30

he has done for years, and whose only attempt at a residence thrown wide open the sluices of sectional strife, Value 0860,168 bushels peas and beans at $i,

in Kansas consists of a card nailed to a tree, upon ground

60,168 00 as the, late elections and this discussion fully Value of 5,057,769 bushels of Irish potatoes

Jong since occupied by other settlers, who have built and

at $1 prove.

5,057,769 00

lived upon the claim. The president of your meeting was Value of 187,991 bushels of sweet potatoes

Mr. John Dougherty, a resident, and large landholder in I repeat it, sir, in no spirit of personal unkind

at 50 cents...

93,995 50

Clay county, Missouri, as he has stated to me since the ness to its members, this Administration has Value of 354,358 bushels of barley at $i.... 354,358 00

meeting, and will not hesitate to state again, as he is a fallen" fallen like Lucifer !". The unerring pen Value of 638,060 bushels of buckwheat at $1, 638,060 00

high-minded and honorable man, above all concealment or Value of orchard products...

695,921 00

disguise. of History will record, in small space, an account

The genuemen principally composing your Value of 48,207 gallons of wine at $1 50....

meeting came from across the river, thronging the road of its works, and its achievemenis: Il repealed the

72,310 50 Value of market garden produce....

froin the ferry to the town, on horseback, and in wagons,

214,004 00 Missouri compromise, it struck at the Know-Nolh- Value of 34,449,379 pounds of butter at 25

in numbers variously estimated by different persons, at from

two hundred to three hundred; and after the meeting was ings, not knowing where to strike-il captured Grey

8,612,344 75 town ) and went down:Value of 20,819,542 pounds of cheese at 15

over, they returned to their homes in the State of Missouri.

These are facts as notorious here as any public occurrence

3,122,731 30 « Like the snow-flake on the river, Value of 1,443,142 tons bay at $16...... 23,090,272 00

can be, and every man who had eyes to see, and eans to A moment white-then gone forever.” Value of 103,197 bushels cloverseed at $6.. 619,182 00

bear, is cognizant of them." Value of 37,310 bushels of other grass Seed Looking at its incoming, its condition, and its

No such charge has been made, or can be made, at $250.

92,275 00 approaching inevitable outgoing, I repeat, more Value of 63,731 pounds hops at 30 cents.... 19,119 30

against emigrants from Massachusetts. They in pity than in anger," the words of the poet:

Value of 150 tons hemp at $1 75

26,250 00 neither attempted nor desired to interfere with the

Value of 445,932 pounds flax at 10 cents... 44,693 20 "How are the mighty fallen!

political affairs of any other State or Territory, Value of 188,880 hushels flaxseed at $1 75. And by the people's hand! Low lie the proud !

329,440 00

except that in which they had planted themselves as Value of 1,552 pounds silk cocoons. And smitten with the weapons of the poorValue of 4,588,209 pounds maple sugar at

settlers. They have done for those Territories exTheIR TALE IS TOLD); and for ibat they were rich,

6 cents...

275,292 54 || actly what the citizens of Massachusetts have done And robbed the poor; and for that they were strong,

Value of 197,308 gallons molasses at 25 cents, 49,327 00 since the commencement of the history of this counAnd scourged the weak; and for that they made laws

Value of 804,275 pounds beeswax and Which turned the sweat of labor's brow to blood

try—they contributed what was in their power to honey at 15 cents.

120,641 25 FOR THESE, THEIR SIN$, THE NATION CASTS THEM out."

the settlement of new territory with intelligent, Value of homemade manufacturers........ 1,712,196 00

honorable, and brave men. So much their duty
Agricultural products of Ohio........ $145,838,232 51
APPENDIX.
Deduct product of Georgia..

65,488,267 done. Those who desire to promote the prosperGeorgia, Agricullutc. Improved land acres

6,378,479
Ohio ahead.....

$80,349,965 33 | ity of Kansas will never regret the advent of

Massachusetts emigrants. Unimproved.... 16,442.900

A little while ago, I desired to speak somewhat Cash value of farms.. $93,753,444

at large upon topics introduced by the gentleman

AMERICAN POLITICS. Value of farming implements and , ma

from Georgia, (Mr. STEPHENS)-I shall seize an chinery.

5,891,150
SPEECH OF HON. NATH. P. BANKS, I early opportunity to do so—but now confine my

attention, as seems to be expected of me, to the Total value of real estate..

$121,619.739

OF MASSACHUSETTS, Total value of personal estate, including

remarks of the honorable genileman from Mississlaves........

213,490,486

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, sippi, (Mr. BARRY,) who has just taken his seat.
December 18, 1854.

I had not anticipated a debate upon the subject Tutal value of property. $335,110,225

he introduced, and am not altogether prepared to Value of 381,682 slaves at $400....

152,672,800

The House being in the Committee of the
Whole on the state of the Union-

participate therein. I may say, however, that it Value of property exclusive of slaves........ 8182,437,425

admits of, if it does not call for, more thorough inMr. BANKS said:

vestigation than he has given it. Indeed, it emValue of live stock......

$25,728,416 Mr. Chairman: In the speech of the distin-bodies thegreatquestions ofgovernment; it touches

guished gentleman from Missouri, (Mr. Benton,] the fundamental rights of the people of this Union; Value of animals slaughtered in 1849....... $6,339,762 00 just read by his colleague, (Mr. Oliver,] it is

it goes to the heart of every nationality on the face Value of 1,088,535 bushels wheat, at $2.... 2,177,170 00 stated that he, at the last session, intimated to

of the earth, and it is well worthy our attention. Value of 53,750 bushels rye, at $1...

53,750 00 some members of this House from the eastern Value of 30,080,699 bushels Indian corn, at

I do not regret that my friend has introduced it. States his belief that the movement for sending || I have listened to his remarks with pleasure, and 90 cents..

27,072,089 10 Value of 3,820,044 bushels cats, at 50 cents, 1,910,0-22 00 emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska would excite

with many of his conclusions, taking his point of Value of 38,950,691 pounds rice, at 5 cents.. 1,947,531 45 sensations in that country injurious to the cause view, I might concur. But the principles which Value of 423,924 pounds tobacco, at 7 cents, 29,674 68 in which the people of the East were engaged. | lie at the basis of political associations, and the Value of 199,636,400 pounds cotton, at 83

The gentleman from Missouri, now absent, made rights of parties interested in them, are so various cents...

16,969,094 00 Value of 990,019 pounds wool, at 30 cents.. 297,003 70 such a declaration to me; and I wrote to some of and so profound that, in the investigation of this Value of 1,142,011 bushels peas and beans, my friends, who were interested in that move.

matter, I can well entertain different views, and at $1....

1,142,011 00

ment, expressing his views, and my concurrence, Value of 227,379 bushels Irish potatoes, at $1, 227,379 00

arrive at conclusions differing from those which in some degree, in the fears he entertained. So he has stated. Value of 986,428 bushels sweet potatoes, at 50 cents..

3,493,214 00 much stated in regard to myself, is strictly true; And, first, let me comment on the proposition, Value of 11,501 bushels barley, at 81

11,501 00

and I have no doubt that it is true with regard to not first in the order of his remarks, but which Value of 250 bushels bockwheat, at $1

others. Value of orchard products..... 92,776 00

lies at the foundation of his opinions--that a man Value of market garden produce.....

But there is another statement in which I do not in the United States is bound to promulgate his

76,500 00 Value of 796 gallons wine, at $1 50 ........

concur; and that is, that the State of Massachu- political views. I take issue with him on that Value of 4,640,559 pounds buuer, a1 25 cents, 1,160,134 75 setts, and the State of Missouri, are equally culpa- ll question. We are a people occupying an inde

1,194 00

250 00

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pendent section of the earth, wich' a Government of the United States which holds its meetings in sons; and it contributes in a greater degree to the of our own. It is a Government which springs secret? It is not an institution or association lim- | general happiness of a people, when it assumes from the people, republican in its nature; in which ited by numbers; but it seeks numerical strength. the permanent form of real property, rather than the interests, rights, opinions, and commands of It seeks, by its numbers, to control the elections of the unstable, inconstant form of personal estate. the people constitute, not only the guiding, but the country. It is, therefore, popular in its nature; | Sir, I disclaim hostility to the institutions of wealth original power, and no man who discharges his and, so far as its secrecy is concerned, it is enough || in any form. I will go as far to foster and enlarge duty as a member of the social compact, who to say, that any association of men,

wherever they its legitimate interests as any man. But, I mean executes his will, and, according to the forms of are, who undertake to control the Government of especially to deny its right to govern, or any law, impresses his convictions upon the political a country by its numerical votes, has an element claim made in behalf of its right to construct or institutions under which he lives, is accountable of popularity in its nature which makes secrecy direct the machinery of Government. for his actions or opinions to any other man. He impossible. And, so far as that is concerned, I Let me illustrate the views I have presented by is not even accountable to the Government. He is will say to the gentleman, that I think he may a reference to some of the causes which have led accountable to God alone. Acting in his capacity relieve himself from fear of any considerable public to the great political changes that have occurred as an original member of that compact, not as a danger.

in the State I have the honor, in part, to represent. Representative, mark you, Mr. Chairman, he is As to the Councils of New York, sir, as I am | Look at the city of New York, for instance, with entitled to that degree of privacy which is neces- not a member, and know nothing of their action its immense population, having increased from sary to secure his natural, indefeasible, and abso- or organization, I do not propose to enter into less than one thousand, in 1654, to nearly three lute right--the free expression of his opinion. || their defense. But I will say that they, undoubt- | fourths of a million in 1854-a period of two How far he will modify that opinion and his edly, have the same right to control their members hundred years—and with a wealth corresponding action, by communion with other minds, he has a that other parties have--and that the exact limit to its position and population, dispersed through right to determine for himself. When a citizen of to which their influence shall extend is always to all its veins. The city of New York, with half a the United States is called upon to vote for Presi- be determined by the individual member who is million people in 1850, had less personal estate dent, for a member of the House of Representa- | its subject, and he has always an unlimited right than Boston, with a population of one hundred and tives, or for any other officer of delegated trusts, of resistance or absolute secession. The connec- thirty-six thousand. The State of New York, or in framing the organic laws under which he tion of an American citizen with any party is with a population of more than three millions, had lives, he is not only entitled to vote, uncontrolled, | voluntary. He makes it and he ends it. The $50,000,000 less personal property than Massaunawed by individual or governmental influence, beginning and the end being his own work, it is chusetts, with less than one million people. * but he has the right to give his vote in profound his fault if, between these extremes, his rights or This remarkable difference may be in part acsecrecy. And that Government which shapes its privileges are in any degree impaired.

counted for by the fact that Massachusettshasgiven material influences or statutes, so as to trammel Sir, the gentleman from Mississippi alluded to existence to something like twenty.five hundred or control a citizen in the exercise of this, his the class of people who compose that organiza- | business or trading corporations, whose aggregated private, but absolute right, which seeks to wring |tion, and I have no doubt he has stated the facts capital would exceed $430,000,000; while the enfrom him publicity of his views or action, strikes correctly, for he has evidently given the subject tire valuation of the real and personal property of at the basis of republican institutions, and ought some consideration. Who are the people who the State did not exceed, in 1850, $600,000,000. to be swept from the face of the earth.

compose this organization? He says that in one In addition to the subtle influences of this peculiar Sir, the right of opinion is the right upon which section men belong to it who have been connected species of property, which is affected by the miwe stand. God gives to us the power to, form with the Whig party, and in another men belong | nutest and constant changes of life, whose delicate opinions, the Government secures to us the right to to it who have been connected with the Demo- organization is elated or depressed by every form act upon those opinions, and to no individual, or cratic party. All this is, no doubt, very true and of legislation, every movement of public or private ganization, or society, attaches the right to control reasonable. These men have left their old partisan bodies, and, indeed, by vague rumors of the street, us in the exercise of these high prerogatives. So organizations for reasons satisfactory to them- it has the unceasing attention of those immedi. far, then, I take issue with the honorable gentleman i selves, and which neither you nor I have the right | ately interested therein, and the watchful care of from Mississippi. I claim the right to form my to question. I have no doubt that every member ten or twelve thousand officers or agents, acting in own opinions. The Constitution and Govern- of this association in Mississippi has his reasons various capacities, paid by salaries running from ment under which I live, secures me the right to for becoming such, and I have no doubt that the the cost of bare subsistence to six and ten thouexpress them, and privacy, or if it please the same is true in Massachusetts. I can very well sand dollars a year, who are naturally intent upon gentleman better, secrecy, may be convenient or conceive that there may be different views of the advancing the interests upon which their own necessary for me in the exercise of that privilege. | necessities under which men act. I can conceive prosperity depends. Such influences are sleepless, The gentleman from Mississippi asserts it to be a that there may be reasons why a body of men, a as well as powerful; and from the nature of the duty to promulgate and publish opinions enter- large body of men-if you please, a majority of in a greater or less degree, they assume a tained. If so, it must be for the purpose of in- the citizens of any or every State in the Union, political character. It has, also, a vigorous, and fluencing others, or that the individual shall be should leave the political organizations with which almost irresistible influence upon the public press subject to the influences of others, or of govern- | they have heretofore been connected, and form -an agent of power as subile and vivacious, as ment. Any influence except that which legit- | new organizations for themselves. There may | irrepressible and energetic as the stock exchange imately springs from the action of reason upon be necessities which drive men to such political | itself. I mean the power of public opinion. Where reason is wrong, and no wrong can be a duty. action and which justify them in it.

such elements constitute a principal basis upon If privacy of opinion be a right, its expression And now, a word as to such necessities. I which successful political organizations are erected, must be a voluntary, and not a compulsory act. speak of them by way of illustration, and not to they become irresistible. The barriers which,

Mr. BARRY. Will the gentleman allow me to cast any aspersion, or to make any complaint. under other circumstances, are effectual to check ask him a question?

But, there are influences which have been exer- and control legislation, and government, and poMr. BANKS. If it is pertinent to the subject | cised upon the citizens of this country, not in litical action-The independence of individual opinupon which I am speaking, most certainly. consonance with the spirit of our institutions, and ion, municipal organizations and interests, asso

Mr. BARRY. It is a pertinent question. I which, not only call for, but which justify the lciations formed to perpetuate local or individual desire to know whether an association has the resistance of political organizations. The United rights—are all swept away. It requires nerve to right to control the vote of a member of that asso. States Bank controversy was of this character, meet constant checks of business, to face denunciation?

and there are others, of immediate as well as ciations of the press, to withstand the taunts of Mr. BANKS. I will come to that presently. pressing concern, and to them I propose for a political associates, the tyranny of conventions, Mr. BARRY. And I desire to know further, moment, to address myself.

and the flattering appeals of power-more than to whether the New York Council has the right to Sir, political power, what is it? It should be brave death, when one has once inhaled the hot make members of that council tell for whom they the independent and intelligent action of the citi. breath of battle. It fills every avenue of a State yoted ?

zens of a State. But men will be influenced by other with its power, and remorselessly it hurls down Mr. BANKS. I will answer the gentleman's men, and properly enough. Moral and intellectual whoever dares oppose its decrees. question presently. I was proceeding to say, that superiority, the wisdom that varied attainments I might name men of lofty elevation, great I have the right to form my own opinions. The and experience convey, will always have their men, who have experienced the truth of what I Constitution and Government under which I live influence upon men. This is in accordance with say, in my own State. This country has progive me the right to express my opinions as I our nature. It may also happen that political duced few men superior in the majesty of intelplease. They give me the right to vole by ballot power and influence may be the product of lect to Robert Rantoul, jr., who died a few years -the ballot is a secret institution; and that secret wealth. Indeed, wealth may sometimes take since, in the service of his country, as a Repre. institution enables me to cast my vote in secrecy, such a form as to control the entire political action sentative of the district for which, in part, I hold unknown to any, and uninfluenced by fear of any of a State, and secure an influence that learning my seat. He was a man of rare attainments, and

or experience rarely confers on men. In my own of almost limitless intellectual power. His mind In considering a public wrong it is very well State we have our share, it may be, perhaps, more had the grasp of Hamilton's and the analysis of for us, in the first place, to consider the power than an equal share of the wealth of the country: Calhoun. His habits were stamped with the which perpetrates the wrong; because, by study- We have agricultural wealth and commercial simplicity of childhood, and his mild spirit with ing the motives and interests which aciuate the wealth. We have manufacturing wealth and perpetration, we can form a better idea of the mechanical wealth-all the product of the in

Personal estate. wrong itself. The gentleman from Mississippi hagdustry and enterprise of our citizens. This is,

$344,129,932

$201,976,692 Etated very clearly and, I doubt not,' very consci- indeed, a public blessing.

New York............. 564,649,649

150,719,379 entiously, that the association to which he alluded But, sir, wealth is far more efficient in promot.

[De Bow's Com. of Census. is wrong. Sir, what is that association? Who | ing general prosperity, when generally distributed,

897,764,500

$64.595,900 are its members? The people of the United States. than when it aggregates in few hands. It is better New York city...., ...187,315,386

59,837,917 . What is the nature of this association of the people ll when in the hands of natural than artificial per

(American Almanac, 1849. NEW SERIES.No. 4.

case,

man.

Real estate.

Massachusetts......

Boston..

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