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without the consent of the legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of the Congress. "The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property, belonging to the United States: and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State.

"4 The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union, a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the legis lature, or of the executive when the legislature cannot be convened, against domestic violence. Art. VI. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all the treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding."

The above are all—and perhaps more than all-the clauses of the Constitution, that have been quoted on one side or the other as bearing upon the subject of Slavery.

It will be noted that the word "slave," or "slavery" does not appear therein. Mr. Madison, who was a leading and observant member of the Convention, and who took notes of its daily proceedings, affirms that this silence was designed-the Convention being unwilling that the Constitution of the United States should recognize property in human beings. In passages where slaves are presumed to be contemplated, they are uniformly designated as " persons," never as property. Contemporary history proves that it was the belief of at least a large portion of the delegates that Slavery could not long survive the final stoppage of the slavetrade, which was expected to (and did) occur in 1808. And, were Slavery this day banished forever from the country, there might, indeed, be some superfluous stipulations in the Federal compact or charter; but there are none which need be repealed, or essentially

modified.

A direct provision for the restoration of fugitive slaves to their masters was, at least once, voted down by the Convention. Finally, the clause respecting persons "held at service or labor,' was proposed by Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, and adopted, with little or no opposition.

The following, among the amendments to the Constitution proposed by the ratifying conventions of one or more States, and adopted, are supposed by some to bear on the questions now agitated relative to Slavery:

Art. I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or of the rights of the people peacefully to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of griev

ances.

sary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.

"Art. V. No person shall be* * * deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due procass of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation."

IV.

CESSIONS OF SOUTHERN TERRITORY.

THE State of KENTUCKY was set off from the State of Virginia in 1790, by mutual agreement, and admitted into the Union by act of Congress, passed February 4th, 1791; It was never to take effect June 1st, 1792. a territory of the United States, nor under Federal jurisdiction, except as a State, and inherited Slavery from the Old Dominion.'

The State of North Carolina, like several others, claimed, during and after the Revolution, that her territory extended westward to Alleganies resisted this claim, and a portion the Mississippi. The settlers west of the of them assumed to establish (1784-5) the Tennessee; but North Carolina forcibly reState of Frankland, in what is now East sisted and subverted this, and a considerable

portion of the people of the embryo State devote as citizens of North Carolina. A delerided its authority, and continued to act and gate (William Cocke) was sent from Frankland to the Continental Congress, but was not received by that body. On the 22nd of December, 1789, however-one month after her ratification of the Federal ConstitutionNorth Carolina passed an act, ceding, on certain conditions, all her territory west of her present limits to the United States. Among the conditions exacted by her, and agreed to, by Congress, (Act approved April 2nd, 1790) is the following:

to be made, by Congress shall tend to emancipate

"Provided always, that no regulations made, or

slaves."

Georgia, in like manner, ceded (April 2nd, 1802) the territories lying west of her present limits, now forming the States of Alabama and Mississippi. Among the conditions exacted by her, and accepted by the United States, is the following:

64

Fifthly. That the territory thus ceded shall become a State, and be admitted into the Union as soon as it shall contain sixty thousand free inhabitants, or, at an earlier period, if Congress shall think it expedient, on the same conditions and restrictions, with the same privileges, and in the same manner, as is provided in the ordinance of Congress of the 13th day of July, 1787, for the government of the Western territory of the United States; which ordinance shall, in all its parts, extend to the territory contained in the present act of Cession, the article only excepted which forbids slavery."

V.

EARLY ATTEMPTS TO OVERRIDE THE
ORDINANCE.

WHEN Ohio (1802-3) was made a

"Art. II. A well-regulated militia being neces- State, the residue of the vast regions.

originally conveyed by the ordinance of | '87, was continued under Federal pupilage, by the name of " Indiana Territory," whereof Wm. Henry Harrison (since President) was appointed Governor. An earnest though quiet effort was made by the Virginia element, which the location of her military bounty warrants on the soil of Ohio had infused into that embryo State, to have Slavery for a limited term authorized in her first Constitution; but it was strenuously resisted by the New England element, which was far more considerable, and defeated. The Virginians either had or professed to have the countenance of President Jefferson, though his hostility to Slavery, as a permanent social state, was undoubted. It was quite commonly argued that, though Slavery was injurious in the long run, yet, as an expedient while clearing away the heavy forests, opening settlements in the wilderness, and surmounting the inevitable hardships and privations of border life, it might be, tolerated, and even regarded with favor. Accordingly, the new Territory of Indiana made repeated efforts to procure a relaxation in her favor of the restrictive clause of the Ordinance of '87, one of them through the instrumentality of a Convention assembled in 1802-3, and presided over by the Territorial Governor; so he, with the great body of his fellow-delegates, memorialized Congress, among other things, to suspend temporarily the operation of the sixth article of the Ordinance aforesaid. This memorial was referred in the House to a select committee of three, two of them from Slave States, with the since celebrated John Randolph as chairman. On the 2nd of March, 1803, Mr. Randolph made what appears to have been a unanimous report from this Committee, of which we give so much as relates to Slavery—as follows:

"The rapid population of the State of Ohio sufficiently evinces, in the opinion of your committee, that the labor of slaves is not necessary to promote the growth and settlement of colonies in that region. That this labor-demonstrably the dearest of any-can only be employed in the cultivation of products more valuable than any known to that quarter of the United States; that the Committee deem it highly dangerous and inexpedient to impair a provision wisely calculated to promote the happiness and prosperity of the northwestern country, and to give strength and security to that extensive frontier. In the salutary operation of this sagacious and benevolent restraint, it is believed that the inhabitants of Indiana will, at no very distant day, find ample remuneration for a temporary privation of labor, and of emigration."

The Committee proceed to discuss other subjects set forth in the prayer of the memorial, and conclude with eight resolves, whereof the only one relating to Slavery is as fol

lows:

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This Report, having been made at the close of the Session, was referred at the next to a new Committee, whereof Cæsar Rodney, a new Representative from Delaware, was Chairman. Mr. Rodney from this Committee reported (February 17th, 1804),

"That, taking into their consideration the facts stated in the said memorial and petition, they are induced to believe that a qualified suspension, for tween the original States and the people and a limited time, of the sixth article of compact beStates west of the river Ohio, might be productive of benefit and advantage to said Territory.',

topics embraced in the Indiana memorial, and The Report goes on to discuss the other concludes with eight resolves, of which the first (and only one relative to Slavery) is as follows:

dinance of 1787, which prohibited Slavery "Resolved, That the sixth article of the Orwithin the said Territory, be suspended in a qualified manner, for ten years, so as to permit the introduction of slaves, born within the United States, from any of the individual States; provided, that such individual State does not permit the importation of slaves from foreign countries: and provided, further, that the descendants of all such slaves shall, if males, be free at the age of twenty-five years, and, if females, at the age of twenty-one years."

The House took no action on this Report.

The original memorial from Indiana, with several additional memorials of like purport, was again, in 1805-6, referred by the House to a select committee, whereof Mr. Garnett of Virginia was chairman, who, on the 14th of February, 1806, made a report in favor of the prayer of the petitioners-as follows:

That, having attentively considered the facts stated in the said petitions and memorials, they limited time, of the sixth article of compact beare of opinion that a qualified suspension, for a tween the original States, and the people and States west of the river Ohio, would be beneficial to the people of the Indiana Territory. The suspension of this article is an object almost universally desired in that Territory.

It appears to your committee to be a question entirely different from that between Slavery and Freedom; inasmuch as it would merely occasion the removal of persons, already slaves, from one part of the country to another. The good effects of this suspension, in the present instance, would be to accelerate the population of that Territory, hitherto retarded by the operation of that article of compact, as slave-holders emigrating into the Western country might then indulge any preference which they might feel for a settlement in the Indiana Territory, instead of seeking, as they are now compelled to do, settlements in other States or countries permitting the introduction of slaves. The condition of the slaves themselves would be much ameliorated by it, as it is evident, from experience, that the more they are separated and diffused, the more care and attention are be stowed on them by their masters-each proprietor having it in his power to increase their comforts and conveniences, in proportion to the smallness of their numbers. The dangers, too, (if any are to be apprehended) from too large a black population existing in any one section of country, would certainly be very much diminished, if not entirely removed. But, whether dangers are to be feared from this source or not, it is certainly an obvious dictate of sound policy to guard against

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them, as far as possible. If this danger does exist, or there is any cause to apprehend it, and our Western brethren are not only willing but desirous to aid us in taking precautions against it. would it not be wise to accept their assistance? We should benefit ourselves, without injuring them, as their population must always so far exceed any black population which can ever exist in that country, as to render the idea of danger from that source chimerical.

After discussing other subjects embodied in the Indiana memorial, the committee close with a series of Resolves, which they commend to the adoption of the House. The first and only one germane to our subject is as follows:

Resolved, That the sixth article of the Ordi

nance of 1787, which prohibits Slavery within the Indiana Territory. be suspended for ten years, so as to permit the introduction of slaves, born within the United States, from any of the individual States.

This report and resolve were committed and made a special order on the Monday following, but were never taken into consideration.

At the next session, a fresh letter from Gov. William Henry Harrison, inclosing resolves of the Legislative Council and House of Representatives in favor of suspending, for a limited period, the sixth article of compact aforesaid, was received (Jan. 21st, 1807) and referred to a Select Committee, whereof Mr. B. Parke, delegate from said Territory, was made chairman. The entire Committee (Mr. Nathaniel Macon of N. C. being now Speaker) consisted of

Messrs. Alston of N. C.

Masters of N. Y.
Morrow of Ohio.
Parke of Ind.

Rhea of Tenn. Sandford of Ky. Trigg of Va.

it would not augment the number of slaves, but merely authorize the removal to Indiana of such as are held in bondage in the United States. If Slavery is an evil, means ought to be devised to render it least dangerous to the community, and by which the hapless situation of the slaves would be most ameliorated; and to accomplish these objects, no measure would be so effectual as the one proposed. The Committee, therefore, respectfully submit to the House the following resolution:

"Resolved, That it is expedient to suspend, from and after the 1st day of January, 1808, the sixth article of compact between the United States and the Territories and States northwest of the term of ten years." Ohio, passed the 13th day of July, 1787, for the

This report, with its predecessors, was committed, and made a special order, but never taken into consideration.

The same letter of Gen. Harrison, and re solves of the Indiana Legislature, were sub mitted to the Senate, Jan. 21st, 1807. They were laid on the table "for consideration," and do not appear to have even been referred at that session; but at the next, or first session of the fourth Congress, which convened Oct. 26th, 1807, the President (Nov. 7th) submitted a letter from Gen. Harrison and his Legislature-whether a new or the old one does not appear-and it was now referred to a select committee, consisting of Messrs. J. Franklin of N. C., Kitchel of N. J., and Tiffin of Ohio.

Nov. 13th, Mr. Franklin, from said committee, reported as follows:

"The Legislative Council and House of Representatives, in their resolutions, express their sense of the propriety of introducing Slavery into their Territory, and solicit the Congress of the Mr. Parke, from this Committee, made United States to suspend, for a given number of years, the sixth article of compact, in the ordi(Feb. 12th,) a third Report to the House in nance for the government of the Territory northfavor of granting the prayer of the meino-west of the Ohio, passed the 13th day of July, rialists. It is as follows:

"The resolutions of the Legislative Council and House of Representatives of the Indiana Territory, relate to a suspension, for the term of ten years, of the sixth article of compact between the United States and the Territories and States northwest of the river Ohio, passed the 13th July, 1787. That article declares that there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said Territory.

1787. That article declares: 'There shall be nei said Territory.' ther Slavery nor involuntary servitude within the

"The citizens of Clark County, in their remon strance, express their sense of the impropriety of the measure, and solicit the Congress of the United States not to act on the subject, so as to permit the introduction of slaves into the Territory; at least, until their population shall entitle them to form a constitution and State govern

ment.

"The suspension of the said article would ope"Your Committee, after duly considering the rate an immediate and essential benefit to the Ter-matter, respectfully submit the following resoluritory, as emigration to it will be inconsiderable for many years, except from those States where Slavery is tolerated.

"And although it is not considered expedient to force the population of the Territory, yet it is desirable to connect its scattered settlements, and, in admitted political rights, to place it on an equal footing with the different States. From the interior situation of the Territory, it is not believed that slaves could ever become so numerous as to endanger the internal peace or future prosperity of the country. The current of emigration flow ing to the Western country, the Territories should all be opened to their introduction. The abstract question of Liberty and Slavery is not involved in the proposed measure, as Slavery now exists to a considerable extent in different parts of the Union;

tion:

"Resolved, That it is not expedient at this time government of the Territory of the United States to suspend the sixth article of compact for the northwest of the River Ohio."

And here ended, so far as we have been able to discover, the effort, so long and earnestly persisted in, to procure a suspension of the restriction in the Ordinance of 1787, so as to admit Slavery, for a limited term, into the Terrritory lying between the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, now forming the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin.

VI.

THE FIRST MISSOURI STRUGGLE.

THE vast and indefinite territory known as Louisiana, was ceded by France to the United States in the year 1803, for the sum of $15,000,000, of which $3,750,000 was devoted to the payment of American claims on France. This territory had just before been ceded by Spain to France without pecuniary consideration. Slaveholding had long been legal therein, alike under Spanish and French rule, and the Treaty of Cession contained the following stipulation:

"Art. III. The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated into the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States; and in the mean time they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profess."

The State of Louisiana, embodying the southern portion of this acquired territory, was recognized by Congress in 1811, and fully admitted in 1812, with a State Constitution. Those who chose to dwell among the inhabitants of the residue of the Louisiana purchase, henceforth called Missouri Territory, continued to hold slaves in its sparse and small, but increasing settlements, mainly in its southeastern quarter, and a pro-slavery court-perhaps any courtwould undoubtedly have pronounced Slavery legal anywhere on its vast expanse, from the Mississippi to the crests of the Rocky Mountains, if not beyond them, and from the Red River of Louisiana to the Lake of the Woods.

for its second session, on the 16th of Novem ber, 1818. Feb. 13th, the House went into Committee of the Whole-Gen. Smith, of Md., in the chair-and took up the Missouri bill aforesaid, which was considered through that sitting, as also that of the 15th, when several amendments were adopted, the most important of which was the following, moved in Committee by Gen. James Tallmadge, of Dutchess County, New York, (lately deceased :)

"And provided also, That the further introduction of Slavery or involuntary servitude be prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall be duly convicted: and that all children of slaves, born within the said State, after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be free, but may be held to service until the age of twenty-five years."

On coming out of Committee, the Yeas and Nays were called on the question of agreeing to this amendment, which was sustained by the following vote: [taken first on agreeing to so much of it as precedes and includes the word "convicted."]

YEAS-For the Restriction:

NEW HAMPSHIRE.-Clifton Clagett, Samuel Hale, Arthur Livermore, Nathaniel Upham-4. MASSACHUSETTS-(then including Maine).Benjamin Adams, Samuel C. Allen, Walter FolLincoln, Elijah H. Mills, Marcus Morton, Jereger, jr.. Timothy Fuller, Joshua Gage, Enoch miah Nelson, Benjamin Orr, Thomas Rice, Nathaniel Ruggles, Zabdiel Sampeon, Nathaniel Silsbee, John Wilson-15.

RHODE ISLAND.-James B. Mason-1. CONNECTICUT.-Sylvester Gilbert, Ebenezer Huntington, Jonathan O. Moseley, Timothy Pitkin, Samuel B. Sherwood, Nathaniel Terry, Thomas S. Williams-7.

Orsamus C. Merrill, Charles Rich, Mark RichVERMONT.-Samuel C. Crafts, William Hunter, ards-5.

NEW-YORK.-Oliver C. Comstock, John P. Cushman, John R. Drake, Benjamin Ellicott JoHubbard, William Irving, Dorrance Kirtland, siah Hasbrouck, John Herkimer, Thomas H. Thomas Lawyer, John Palmer, John Savage, Philip J. Schuyler, John C. Spencer, Treadwell Scudder, James Tallmadge, John W. Taylor, Ca

Tompkins, Geo. Townsend, Peter H. Wendover, Rensselaer Westerlo, James W. Wilkin, Isaac Williams-23.

The XVth Congress assembled at Washington, on Monday, Dec. 1st, 1817. Henry Clay was chosen Speaker of the House. Mr. John Scott appeared on the 8th, as delegate from Missouri Territory, and was admitted to a seat as such. On the 16th of March fol-leb lowing, he presented petitions of sundry inhabitants of Missouri, in addition to similar petitions already presented by him, praying for the admission of Missouri into the Union as a State, which were, on motion, referred to a Select Committee, consisting of

Messrs. Scott of Mo. Poindexter of Miss. Robertson of Ky. Hendricks of Ind. Livermore of N. H. Mills of Mass. Baldwin of Pa.

April 3rd, Mr. Scott, from this Committee, reported a bill to authorize the People of Missouri Territory to form a Constitution and State Government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States; which bill was read the first and second time, and sent to the Committee of the Whole, where it slept for the remainder of the session.

NEW-JERSEY.-Ephraim Bateman, Benjamin Bennett, Charles Kinsey, John Linn, Henry

Southard-5.

PENNSYLVANIA.-William Anderson, Andrew Boden, Isaac Darlington, Joseph Heister, Joseph Hopkinson, Jacob Hostetter, William Maclay, William P. Maclay, David Marchand, Robert Moore, Samuel Moore, John Murray, Alexander Ogle, Thomas Patterson, Levi Pawling, Thomas J. Rogers, John Sergeant, James M. Wallace, John Whiteside, William Wilson-20.

OHIO.-Levi Barber, Philemon Beecher, John W. Campbell, Samuel Herrick, Peter Hitchcock -5.

INDIANA.-William Hendricks_1.
DELAWARE.-Willard Hall-1.

Total Yeas 87-only one (the last named) from a Slave State.

NAYS-Against the Kestriction: MASSACHUSETTS.-John Holmes, Jonathan

That Congress convened at Washington | Mason, Henry Shaw-3.

NEW-YORK.-Daniel Cruger, David A. Ogden, | question (Feb. 15th) appears in the AppenHenry R. Storrs-3.

NEW JERSEY.-Joseph Bloomfield-1,
NEW-HAMPSHIRE.-John F. Parrott-1.
OHIO.-William Henry Harrison-1.
ILLINOIS.-John McLean-1. [10 from Free

States.]

DELAWARE.-Louis McLane-1. MARYLAND.-Archibald Austin,Thomas Bayly; Thomas Culbreth, Peter Little, George Peter, Philip Reed, Samuel Ringgold, Samuel Smith, Philip Stuart-9.

dix to Niles's Register, vol. xvi.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEB. 15, 1819. Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, having moved the following amendment, on the Saturday preceding

"And provided that the introduction of Slavery, for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party or involuntary servitude, be prohibited, except has been duly convicted, and that all children within the said State, after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be declared free at the age of 25 years."

VIRGINIA.-William Lee Ball, Philip P. Bar-
bour, Burwell Bassett, William A. Burwell, Ed-born
ward Colston, Robert S. Garnett, James Johnson,
William J. Lewis, William McCoy, Hugh Nelson,
Thomas M. Nelson, John Pegram, James Pindall,
James Pleasants, Ballard Smith, Alexander
Smyth, Henry St. George Tucker, John Tyler-
NORTH CAROLINA.-Joseph H. Bryan, William
Davidson, Weldon N. Edwards, Charles Fisher,
Thomas H. Hall, James Owen, Lemuel Sawyer,
Thomas Little, Jesse Slocumb, James G. Smith,
James Stewart, Felix Walker, Lewis Williams-

18.

13.

SOUTH CAROLINA. James Ervin, William Lowndes, Henry Middleton, Wilson Nesbitt, Elbert Simkins, Sterling Tucker-6.

GEORGIA.-Joel Abbot, Thomas W. Cobb, Zadoc Cook, William Terrell-4.

KENTUCKY-Richard C. Anderson, jr., Joseph Desha, Richard M. Johnson, Anthony New, Thomas Newton, George Robertson, Thomas Speed, David Trimble, David Walker-9. TENNESSEE.- William G. Blount, Francis Jones, George W. L Marr, John Rhea-4. MISSISSIPPI.--George Poindexter-1. LOUISIANA.-Thomas Butler-1.

Total Nays, 76-10 from Free States, 66 from Slave States.

The House now proceeded to vote on the residue of the reported amendment [from the word "convicted" above], which was likewise sustained.-Yeas 82; Nays 78.

Messrs. Barber and Campbell of Ohio, Linn of N. J., and Mason of R. I., who on the former division voted Yea, now voted Nay.

Messrs. Schuyler and Westerlo of N. Y. (Yeas before) did not vote now. Gen. Smith of Md. changed from Nay before to Yea now.

So the whole amendment-as moved by Gen. Tallmadge in Committee of the Whole, and there carried-was sustained when reported to the House.

Mr. Storrs of New-York (opposed to the Restriction), now moved the striking out of so much of the bill as provides that the new State shall be admitted into the Union 66 on an equal footing with the original States"-which, he contended, was nullified by the votes just taken. The House nega

tived the motion.

Messrs Desha of Ky., Cobb of Ga., and Rhea of Tenn., declared against the bill as amended.

Messrs. Scott of Mo., and Anderson of Ky., preferred the bill as amended to none. The House ordered the bill, as amended, to a third reading; Yeas 98; Nays 56. The bill thus passed the House next day, and was

sent to the Senate.

The following sketch of the debate on this

in the admission of new States into the Union, he Mr. FULLER, of Massachusetts, said, that considered that Congress had a discretionary power. By the 4th article and 3d section of the them; but nothing in that section, or in any part Constitution, Congress are authorized to admit of the Constitution, enjoins the admission as imotherwise, he would request gentlemen to point perative, under any circumstances.

If it were

out what were the circumstances or conditions

precedent, which being found to exist, Congress must admit the new State. All discretion would, and deliberation would be useless. The hon. in such case, be taken from Congress, Mr. F. said, speaker (Mr. Clay) has said that Congress has no newly-organized States, but must admit then, by a right to prescribe any condition whatever to the simple act, leaving their sovereignty unrestricted. Here the speaker explained-he did not intead to be understood in so broad a sense as Mr. F. stated.] With the explanation of the honorable gentleman, Mr. F. said, I still think his ground as untenable as before. We certainly have a right, and our duty to the nation requires, that we should examine the actual state of things in the proposed makes a REPUBLICAN form of government in the State; and, above all, the Constitution expressly several States a fundamental principle, to be preserved under the sacred guarantee of the national legislature. Art. 4, sec. 4.] It clearly, therefore, is the duty of Congress, before admitting a new sister into the Union, to ascertain that her constitution or form of government is republican. Now, sir, the amendment proposed by the gentleman from New York, Mr. Tallmadge, merely requires that Slavery shall be probibited in Missouri. Does this imply anything more than that ite constitution shall be republican? The existence of Slavery in any State is, so far, a departure from republican principles. The Declaration of Independence, this time, a citizen of a State which admits Slavepenned by the illustrious statesman then, and at ry, defines the principle on which our national and state constitutions are all professedly founded. The second paragraph of that instrument begins thus: "We hold these truths to be self-evidentdowed by their Creator with certain unalienable that all men are created equal-that they are enrights; that among these are life, LIBERTY, and the pursuit of happiness." Since, then, it cannot be denied that slaves are men, it follows that they are, in a purely republican government, born free, and are entitled to liberty and the pursuit of happiness. [Mr. Fuller was here interrupted by seve ral gentlemen, who thought it improper to question in debate the republican character of the slave-holding States, which had also a tendency, as one gentleman (Mr. Colston, of Virginia) said, to deprive those States of the right to hold slaves as property, and he adverted to the probability that there might be slaves in the gallery, listening that nothing was farther from his thoughts, than to the debate.] Mr. F. assured the gentleman to question on that floor, the right of Virginia and other States, which held slaves when the Consti

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