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by the representatives of the people most burthened, but by representatives from other sections of the country. The great principle of security grounded upon a similarity of interests, between the representatives and the people, is thus necessarily set at nought. But that is not all-The duty is laid by representatives, who think at least, they have different interests from the people, who pay the duty, and instead of paying their due share of it, consider themselves, or their constituents, the actual receivers of the tax imposed. The utter subversion of this only principle of security to the people, surely cannot long be tolerated. This consideration is of itself sufficient to show the unconstitutionality of the tariff, if there were no other—at least, to show that it is directly against the fundamental principle upon which the constitution is founded; or, if this power be contained in the constitution, it must be admitted to have been introduced by mistake, and ought instantly to be eradicated, because it is against the original basis of its own foundation. It would not be possible to give a stronger exemplification of the correctness of these views of the subject, than by recurring to the vote upon the late rejected woollens bill. I have examined the yeas, and nays, upon the passage of that bill, and I find every vote, except one, and that one from the remote western parts of Virginia, against the bill, from the Potomac to the Gulf of Mexico inclusive. Whatever difference may have existed in the political opinions of the representatives of the people, inhabiting that extensive scene of country, they all united upon that most important question; and, with one voice, used their best efforts to save their constituents from the unprincipled tax; whilst the imposition was proposed to be made by representatives from other sections of the country-having, as they conceived, different, and opposite interests. Here, then, is seen an attempt to impose taxes, the most unjust, against the unanimous remonstrances and votes of the sections of country, upon which the burthen was to fall most heavily-completely inverting the great principle in taxation, secured by American fundamental constitutions. All this mischief is done, too, against the solemn warnings and dying entreaties of Washington. In his last legacy, his Farewell Address to the American People, Washington's chief object was, to demonstrate the absolute necessity for the preservation of our fundamental institutions, that each department, in the complicated organization of our government, should be kept, within the sphere of action, assigned to it, by the fundamental laws; that neither should ever attempt to encroach upon the rights, of any other. For this great object, he solemnly invoked, and entreated the administrators of our government to act within, and be content with, the power assigned to it, under the written constitutional distribution of powers. He calls upon them in the most pathetic and parental manner, to avoid the introduction of sectional differences of interests in the administration of the practical government. He solemnly invokes them not to set the North against the South, nor the East against the West. He well knew that the destruction of the constitution was more likely to arise from the introduction of the differences of sectional interests, in the practical administration, than from any other cause whatever. Yet, this fatal tariff bill, in a spirit directly hostile to his prophetic, parental warnings. is founded mainly upon

difference in sectional interests. Will you not, sir, attend to the solemn. warning of Washington-emphatically designated the Father of his Country. Permit me to say, sir, that yesterday I felt the strongest emotions, when I was raising my feeble voice to protect the federative principle against sectional interests. I found it drowned in the roaring of the cannon in the Capital Square, in commemoration of the birth day of Washington. I became, on the instant, more awfully impressed with his solemn warnings against the introduction of sectional interests, and the destruction of the federative principle, than I had ever before been upon any former occasion. The unexampled blessings which the American people had enjoyed under the benign influence of the federative principle, were presented fresh to my memory; and I could not resist the reflections, arising from the unaccountable fluctuations in human affairs: that the American people, in the plenitude of the most successful experiments, upon the great American principle; in the full enjoyment of its unparalleled political blessings, should, capriciously throw the whole away, in preference for the despotic principles of Europe-hitherto untried in America. It brought to my recollection too, the more recent warnings of the nation's guest, the apostle of liberty, Fayette-made directly to our President, under circumstances, which could not fail to be most impressive-In reply to the President's farewell address to Fayette, which was of a character to do him the highest honor; Fayette, most warningly, and emphatically replies-Fayette, no doubt, had deeply reflected upon this subject, and felt it his duty, to save, if possible, the federative principle; knowing its value, perhaps, from sad experience of the consolidated principles in unlimited governments, better than any other person in the world; calls the attention of the President to its preservation, in the following most impressive, and appropriate language:

"Yet, gratifications still higher awaited me in the wonders of creation and improvement that have met my enchanted eye; in the unparalleled, and self-felt happiness of the people, in their rapid prosperity and insured security, public and private, in a practice of good order, the appendage of true freedom, and a national good sense, the final arbiter of all difficulties-1 have had proudly to recognize a result of the republican principles for which we have fought, and a glorious demonstration to the most timid and prejudiced mind, of the superiority over degrading aristocracy or despotisni, of popular institutions founded on the plain rights of man, and where the local rights of every sec tion are preserved under a constitutional bond of Union The cherishing of that union between the states, as it has been the farewell entreaty of our great paternal Washington, and will ever have the dying prayer of every American Patriot, so it has become the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world."-Fayette had doubtlessly seen the President's inaugural address. It was not possible that its general spirit and tenor should have escaped his discerning eye. He doubtlessly was struck with the sublimated political views of the President, the glitter, and splendor he had thrown over the American government; but these seemed not to possess any charms whatever for Fayette. Far from being enamoured with these glittering scenes of governmental splen dor, and governmental grandeur, portrayed by our President; and far

from complimenting him upon them in his farewell reply, he in the most parental, affecting manner, reminds the President of the blessings derived from the principles of the American government, "founded upon the plain rights of man." He reminds the President of Washington's parental warnings in his Farwell Address. He most impressively presents to his contemplation the great federative principle, and declares, that it had become "the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world!!" Was it possible to have paid a higher compliment to the federative principle, than to have proclaimed it "the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world!!" Will not the American people give some attention to the solemn warnings of Washington and Fayette? Even if it were possible to suppose that the American people had lost all love of liberty, all love for American institutions, will they not give some attention to this recent solemn, impressive warning of Lafayette, against the rejection of the federative principle? Fayette, who, forty years before, had freely spilt his blood, and spent his treasure, for the establishment of the American liberties, in his farewell reply, declared to you that the federative principle has become "the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world." Mr. Speaker, we have often witnessed a providential interposition in favor of American liberties. Can you not discern something like another providential interposition in sending Fayette, the apostle of liberty, to this country forty years after he had so essentially contributed to American independence, and that after his surveying with a discerning, parental eye, the political condition of the country, in taking his last leave of it forever, it should have occurred to him to warn the present generation, as Washington had done the former one, against the destruction of the federative principle? Permit me, sir, humble as I am, in this last effort, standing literally upon the brink of the grave, to unite my entreaties with Washington's and Fayette's for the preservation of the federative principle. For, trust me, sir, when I assure you, that it is my most solemn conviction, that nothing but the federative principle, in full and efficient energy, securing all their rights to the States, can save American liberty. "With it we are freemen-without it, we are slaves !"

VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.

SUBSTANCE

OF

MR. GILES'S SPEECH,

IN REPLY

TO GENERAL TAYLOR,

DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES,
MARCH 2, 1827.

MR. SPEAKER:

I FIND myself, most unexpectedly, before you again, sir, in the attitude of a speaker. When I reached the top of the stone platform, at your front door, I had no expectation, whatever, of entering again into this debate:-I came to the House, this morning, to vote, not to speak; but on arriving here, being assured by many of my friends, that some reply, to the gentleman from Norfolk, however general, was expected from me, and could not be dispensed with; I resolved, to yield to what, I was thus informed, was the general expectation. I frankly acknowledge, too, sir; that I felt disposed myself, to reply to some of the most prominent remarks of that honorable gentleman, which, I cannot avoid saying; excited my utmost astonishment. But I had indulged a hope; that this summary sketch, could be accomplished within half an hour. I could not reconcile it to myself, to occupy more of your time, sir, after I had, most reluctantly, already consumed so much; and after the indefatigable gentleman from Norfolk, had consumed, so much more. It will readily be perceived, sir, that it would not be possible, in the space of half an hour, to reply to the whole of a most eloquent, and voluble speech, of five days duration. I shall, therefore, limit myself to a very few points of a general character. which most excited my astonishment, both in the matter, and manOne of the first, ner of it, was, the charge brought against me, of supporting "Godwinian principles."-Permit me, to call your attention, Mr. Speaker, to the principles, which I have actually supported. What are the principles contained in the preamble, and resolutions, which are thrown back on me, in terms of contemptuous obloquy? ian principles:" The principles, I have supported, and now retorted, "Godwinunder the sarcastic term of "Godwinian principles," are nothing more, or less, than the principles of American fundamental laws.Fundamental laws; introduced, and supported in their original letter, tenor, and spirit;-quoted;-designedly quoted, in the original

words. When these laws, are sported with treated with con temptuous disrespect;-with taunting ridicule,-branded with nicknames, as they seem to me to be, on this, as on many other occasions, can you fail to discern something alarming to all the written fundamental institutions of this country? Can you fail to see, sir; that all veneration, all decent respect for them, are gone? And whilst you contemplate, and must deprecate their loss; can you fail to remember, the political blessings, which have been diffused, by a wise practical dispensation of these contemned Godwinian principles, amongst the American people, for the first five and twenty years, after their adoption; and since the substitution of the improved, fashionable administrative principles, can you fail to see, distrust, alarm, impoverishment, and ruin overspreading the land? And, sir, under what circumstances has this sad reverse, in our political experimental results, taken place? In the midst of the most profound peace-both at home, and abroad.-If ever there were truly halcyon days, for the United States, they occurred at the very moment, seized upon by our infatuated rulers, to substitute principles of despotism, for principles of freedom. Nor has any thing since happened, to change this auspicious, happy scene; except the unwise, delusive schemes for usurping ungranted powers to the General Government? and the miserable, immoral, mistaken schemes, for increasing the wealth of the nation, by acts of most notorious injustice, between different sections of the country, and different individuals; taking from one, the proceeds of his labor, and giving them, to another? Great, and certain indeed, should be the increased wealth of the nation, from these unprincipled, trafficking schemes, to justify this outrage, upon the political morals, and the political justice of the government!!!

Why has it been, sir, that during five and twenty years of great difficulties, and embarrassments from abroad, unexampled political blessings have been showered down upon the people of the United States? Confidence, happiness, content, and prosperity, reigning every where; and now, when all is peace, and quiet, both at home, and abroad; distrust, alarm, discontent and impoverishment, have overspread the land? There is no difficulty in the solution of the problem. During the first period, our rulers, were content, to reign, within the sphere, allotted to them by the written institutions of their country,―To administer the constitution upon the federative principle. To leave the states, their rights unimpaired. During the last period, our rulers, have disregarded the provisions of the written constitution; have destroyed the federative principle; and usurped the rights, both of the states and individuals—and, sir, what are the principles, so triumphantly proclaimed by the learned, and eloquent gentleman, as the beloved substitutes for these despised "Godwinian principles?"-In other words, American written fundamental laws? They are principles of unlimited governmental powers. They are principles, which go to obliterate all the written restraints against governmental usurpations, contained in your fundamental laws: to break down all the sacred sanctuaries, erected by our forefathers, for

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