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itself justice? Sir, this attempt at alarm, is not new in Virginia. It has before been practised upon two most memorable occasions.

In 1775, when Virginia consisted of not more than 200,000 souls, she was threatened with the myrmidons of the most powerful nation in the world-Her sovereigns, and her masters-then armed "capa-pee,”—and in battle array, upon her coasts;-Yes sir, even with in her territory-a frightful odds!!! But sir, what was the conduct of our gallant fore-fathers upon this awful and terrific occasion? amidst this great impending danger? Did they yield to threats, Sir? Did they take counsels of their fears? No sir; They determined on resistance they nobly determined to preserve their liberty, or to die." Liberty, or death," was then the order of the day; and when in the general assembly, the fears of the members were addressed-threatened with the mighty power actually impending over them-Patrick Henry, with a God-like eloquence, unequalled in ancient and modern times; after scoffing at the unmanly attempts at alarm, with an elevation of soul and of voice, most eloquently attuned to nature, cried out-"Let them come!!! I say,-let them come!!!" They did come; we met them in combat,—and we were free.--In 1798--1799--under much more discouraging circumstances than the present, Virginia was again threatened for daring to assert her rights.--For daring to resist the alien and sedition laws. Her representatives on this floor, were threatened with arms;-with incarceration-Did they then meanly, and timidly yield to these alarms? No sir! They determined again, to regain their rights, or perish in the attempt-They then went earnestly and systematically to work-The first measure they then adopted, was, to pass a law, to protect them in the freedom of debate; requiring the State Judges, in the event of any member, being imprisoned for words used in debate, to issue a writ of habeas corpus; and to replace the incarcerated member in his place, on this floor. They then determined to arm the militia, and to make provision to purchase 5,000 stands of arins. Then it was sir, that the foundation for the regular supply of arms to the militia was laid, in the establishment of your armory.To defray the expenses of these measures, they raised the whole taxes of the State 25 per cent, with a single scrape of the pen.Backed by these measures, they entered a solemn protest against the offensive laws. These were measures truly worthy of Virginia..

Did they eventuate in war? in disunion? No sir. They saved the Union-they saved the nation.-These measures regained our liberties; and once more, we were free.-These measures well deserved success; and they were successful.

Now, Sir, in 1827, not thirty years having elapsed. Before one generation had passed away-another crisis has occurred. It has been produced by measures, as bad in principle as the alien and sedition laws; and incalculably more injurious in their practical operations-every moment drawing from us our substance, and degrading us with tribute-Now are we told that inquiry will not be toler ated; and that opposition, yes, constitutional opposition, will sound

* See the Act, at the end.

the tocsin of disunion and war.

Believe me sir, it is not inquiry it is not opposition, which has produced this alarming crisis, leading to disunion and war; it is the intrinsic vice of the operative measures actually adopted. This alarming crisis, is the natural effect of unprincipled measures. Such measures are the common causes, which produce such effects :-Could any other effects have been expected, from seizing without reason, and without right, the wealth of one section of the country, and sending it to another? producing impoverishment in one section, and prosperity in another? From seizing the property of one man, and giving it to another? Is it possible to devise measures, better calculated to produce resistance and abhorrence? You can but see, sir, that the true cause of the apprehended disunion and war, is mistaken. It is not seen in a negative opposition to affirmative measures; but in the practical necessary operations of the affirmative measures themselves. The contrary false impression, is attempted to be made by the ingenious schemers themselves, to turn the awful responsibility for the mischief they have done, from themselves, to their adversaries. But sir, a mere negative opposition, without some equivalent cause, never did, nor ever can produce a crisis, like the present-This ingenious diversion, never can succeed. The real authors of these operative measures must be known; and must suffer all the responsibilities, due to their own mischievous evil deeds. The gentleman, in his indefatigable zeal to paralyze the proceedings of this House; and to effect a quiescent submission to a disgraceful tribute, has, I am told, pledged himself to this House, that Mr. Jefferson, at the time of his lamented death, was decidedly opposed to the proposed proceedings. I know sir, that the honorable gentleman is incapable of intentional misrepresentation; but, I also know sir, that he is utterly mistaken, in the pledge he has given the house.--I know, that Mr. Jefferson has seen "with the deepest affliction," the measures, which have produced the present crisis; and I also know, his recommendations to the States, would be to enter, and to keep up, solemn protests, against these usurpations, as the mildest incipient measures, suited to the deprecated occasion-with a view to more efficient ulterior measures, in the event of a continued perseverance in these usurpations.

For these facts, I pledge my integrity and veracity to the House; and that I have the evidence of them, under Mr. Jefferson's own hand writing. No sir. Mr. Jefferson was not opposed to the measures now proposed to be adopted-He was most decidedly, and unequivocally in favor of them. No man knew better than Mr. Jefferson, the deplorable consequences of sponging the written constitution. No man viewed them with deeper affliction; and no man was more willing to oppose them; by the mildest means, in the beginning; by the strongest, in the end; if, most unfortunately, the strongest should become necessary. But submission, never; No! submission would be his last alternative: and then, only by compulsion. Mr. Jefferson well knew, that in the beautiful theory of our complicated system of governments, the State governments were placed as centinels, over See Mr. Jefferson's letter, page 152.

the rights of their citizens respectively; with powers sufficient to guard them against the usurpations of the general government.

The time is come, which most imperiously calls upon every state government, to perform the solemn trust; and shall the Virginia government, treacherously shrink from the performance of it? No, sir, it is not possible. This general assembly will be found steadfast at its post; and will fearlessly perform this high and honorable trust a trust, conferred by the constitution, which every member is sworn to support.

Mr. Speaker, what is the object to be effected in the performance of this most sacred trust? It is to keep the various departments of our complicated governments within their legitimate, appropriate spheres. It is to ward off the encroachments of the general government, from the rights of the states and of individuals. And what, sir, was the great object of Washington's farewell address? It was the same thing-It was to keep each department within its proper sphere-It was to avoid trenching upon sectional interests—It was to guard against setting the north against the south, and the east against the west. What was the great polar star which guided the administrations of Washington, of Jefferson, and of Madison? It was a virtuous adherence to the written constitution.-It was keeping within the sphere of their legitimate constitutional powers. It was leaving to the states and state governments, all their legitimate constitutional powers.-Their virtuous self-denial was the true secret of the success of their administrations.

Will you indulge me, Mr. Speaker, with again reminding you, şir, of the last impressive warning of Fayette? It was, to preserve the federative principle-It was, to adhere to the great American principle, of "the plain rights of man." He most feelingly declared, it was under its potent, beneficent operations, that every political blessing had been showered down upon the people of these United States. It was to shun the glitter, the splendor, and the grandeur of governments, such as were brilliantly portrayed in the President's inaugural address. Yes, sir, Fayette called your attention, most emphatically, not only to the rights of man, but to "the plain rights of man;" most evidently, in contrast with the President's splendid, glittering government. For no man knew so well as Fayette, from most awful experience and sufferings, that the splendor of governments, was the slavery of man. And, most impressively, did Fayette tell you, sir, that the great American federative principle, is not only the surest guarantee for American liberties, but "the sacred pledge for the emancipation of the world."

Permit me, sir, to add my solemn warnings to those of these great apostles of liberty, against the surrender of state rights—against the fatal abandonment of the federative principle.

Sir, I am done. I have faithfully presented my most deliberate views of this momentous subject. I most fervently thank my God for the physical power he has given me upon this great occasion.-I most cordially thank him for strength, both of mind and body, to enable me conscientiously to perform my duty. I have now conscien

tiously performed it; and I have perfect confidence, that every honor. able member of this House, will, in the vote he is now called upon to give, conscientiously perform his duty.

TO THE PUBLIC.

Mr. Jefferson's Letter, and Mr. Clay's "great desideratum in Political Economy,"

Extract from Mr. Clay's Speech upon the Tariff Bill of 1824.

Page 12.

"The great desideratum in political economy is the same as in private pursuits; that is, what is the best application of the aggregate industry of the nation that can be made honestly to produce the largest sum of national wealth. Labor is the source of all wealth, but it is not natural labor only." Judging from Mr. C's prize speech, generally, and from the five foregoing lines particularly; indeed, from all his speeches, and it would seem that Mr. Clay knows about as much of the "great desideratum of political economy," as he does about the Delphic oracles, or of the occult art of alchymy, or of the illusory corruscations of the brilliant prospect of the Panama Congress, or of the inexplicable intricacies of the West India Trade. It would also seem from the subjoined letter: that Mr. Jefferson is here directly at points with Mr. C., respecting his great political, polar star-"the great desideratum in political economy;" and that his "deepest affliction," at the deplorable crisis, most unwisely brought upon our country, was not produced by his terrific alarms "at the election of a military chieftain" to the Presidency, but from much more substantial, and fearful considerations. From the unprincipled usurpations of the practical government. From converting a limited, federative government, into an unlimited, consolidated one. In substance, from the five lines quoted above; and the inevitable consequences from the practical operations of their contents, in obliterating all our fundamental laws. This letter was not originally intended for publication, but I now feel myself impelled to give it publicity, from the following considerations amongst others: The extract contains the whole of the political part of the letter; some parts, merely private, are omitted. The part respecting the University has been published, as giving Mr. Jefferson's views of the then actual condition, and future prospects of this important institution, which may be attended with public utility; and also, as a refatation of one falsehood, out of many, which have been circulated through the press, for the last ten years, in relation to myself, to wit: That there was an unfriendly feeling existing, between Mr. Jefferson and myself. The falsehood is destitute of all pretext whatFor some time past, some of the Administration prints, desperate in their utmost need, have attempted to avail their bad cause of the just influence of Mr. Jefferson's well earned political fame,

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by solemn assurances to the public, that Mr. Jefferson, when living, was in favor of the measures of the Administration; and of the reelection of Mr. Adams. For this purpose, they have lavishly poured forth eulogiums upon Mr. Jefferson, for opinions, which they have ascribed to him, and which, if living, I verily believe, he would consider his greatest reproach. They have at length gone so far, as to put expressions into Mr. Jefferson's mouth, under marks of quotation, with intimations that they can be proved by competent evidence, (nothing doubting,) whilst they are not only altogether surreptitious, but in direct hostility with the undeviating tenor, and spirit of Mr. Jefferson's whole political life, and with his declarations, both verbally, and in writing, often frankly, and openly made to his friends, as I am well informed, 'till within a short period before his lamented death. Under these circumstances, it appears to me to have become the duty of every friend of Mr. Jefferson, and of his country, who may be in possession of any written declarations from him, serving to demonstrate his real opinions respecting the perilous crisis of the country, to lay them before the public, and thus, at once, to put down the surreptitious ones. This course alone can serve to rescue Mr. Jeffersou's unsullied republican fame from the false, and unmerited aspersions brought against it, under the guise of affected plaudits, the most delusive, and deceptive. Besides, I conceive under these gross attempts at deception, the public has a right to demand a disclosure of all Mr. Jefferson's real opinions, in whosesoever hands they may be, as a protection against the mischievous influence of the spurious opinions, falsely ascribed to him; and that, too, as I believe, by his now most unnatural, loving friends, not long since, his most deadly foes. Two papers of this description, which have particularly attracted my attention, will be introduced here. The one, taken from the National Journal. The devoted "coalition" paper, at least, so characterized. The other, from the Richmond Whig. This latter is ushered forth, by a writer, under the signature of "A Farmer," who, most charitably, charges his brother Farmers, and every body else, not acting under the same delusive influence with himself, with being "confiding dupes;" whereas, the scribbling Farmer seems, himself, to be the most "confiding dupe," that ever undertook to enlighten a people, by overcasting them with the thick mist, in which, he is himself enveloped. So much so, that he seems to be led about, by some "ignis fatuus," with syren songs, made up in doleful, pathetic strains, which he deals out to others, in the same fascinating, heart-rending melody. These characteristics will shine, with peculiar lustre, in the example here exhibited. Should this "confiding dupe" of a Farmer possess only a small portion of the candor of his calling, I think, after reading Mr. J's letter, containing his real opinions, and contrasting them with the surreptitious ones, which have served to "dupe" the confiding Farmer, he will at once acknowledge; that there is no occasion to ask, “who is the dupe?" He must stand, himself, "the dupe confessed." Doubtlessly, he will be surprised to be told, that he is as much the unconscious "dupe," in many other of his delusive disclosures to the people. Having made

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