whole truth; very far from containing the most material truths, to enable the mind to comprehend and decide upon the true character of the whole subject. The first important omissions, are the articles of wheat and flour. Why not introduce these articles to share the same fate under the tariff, with cotton, tobacco and rice? They are equally burthened under the tariff, with cotton, tobacco and rice, for the protection of manufactures. Why not introduce their growers then, into the company of the growers of cotton, tobacco and rice? Why exclude them from the threats, thrown out against their associates in interests? There could be but two assignable motives with our orator for the exclusion. As far as I am able to discover, the one was, to give this cunning tariff scheme, a sectional cast, upon which its success mainly depended. Whenever the wheat-growers throughout some of the manufacturing states, New-York, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Delaware, for instance, shall discover their true interests; that notwithstanding their residence in the manufacturing states, their interests are as much affected by the tariff as the growers of cotton, tobacco and rice, they will rise in the majesty of their strength, and crush the unprincipled artifice to atoms. If our orator had included the wheat-g -growers with their other agricultural associates and sufferers, his insolent threat would lose all its horrors, and of course, its intended effects. Instead of five against one, the majority would have been with the agriculturists; and its sectional bearing would also have entirely disappeared.Hence, the motives for the exclusion of the wheat-growers from his formidable, threatening, statistical statements. Suppose the wheatgrowers included, would not that fact alone have varied the whole character and bearing of the terrific statistical representation? as well in relation to its pecuniary results, as to its relative, sectional bearings, and its formidable threatenings? I think, this cannot be denied by any sound, well-organized mind, even in spite of prepossessions and prejudices.

But, sir, this is not the most fallacious bearing and effect of this statement of statistics, under its present aspect. The statement gives only the value of the exports produced from cotton, tobacco, and rice. The imports from cotton, in its manufactured state, and from other foreign manufactured articles, are entirely omitted. The growers of cotton, tobacco and rice, consume imported articles nearly to the amount of the exported. Whilst, therefore, they are credited with the whole amount of their exports, they ought to be debited with the whole amount of their imports; and the balance only carried to their credit as clear profits-whereas, from the aspect of the statistical statement, as it now stands, they are credited with the whole amount of their exports, as clear profits, without any deductions for the imports. With respect to the article of cotton, there is a characteristic of peculiar hardship, provided the constitution is to be at all regarded as the test of principle and right. This constitution prohibits the government from laying any export duty whatever; and of course, no export duty can be laid on cotton. When, therefore, the cotton grower is placed under the necessity of consuming foreign manufactured cotton fabrics, the high impost duty, upon the importation, will operate upon him precisely as an export duty would do upon the original article; that is, would lessen the

value of the article to the consuming grower, precisely in the same manner as an export duty upon the original article would do. There is another important fact excluded from the statement, which will still further serve to show its fallacious and deceptive aspect-that is, that a proportion of the proceeds of the exports of cotton, tobacco and rice, is transported from the South to the North, and expended in the purchase of domestic manufactured goods; and, therefore, so much of the proceeds of the exports as are thus expended, should be carried to the credit of the manufacturer, and not to that of the consuming grower of the article. And, at the same time, the manufacturer should never cease to recollect, that he is placed under an obligation to the cotton grower for the original fabric;--cotton, which constitutes the great fund for a great portion of all his industry. Besides, it should also be recollected, that from the superior density of the population to the North, and other causes, a vast portion more of labor is applied there, to objects of domestic consumption, compared with the objects of production for exportation, than to the South: and, therefore, it is not possible, from any statistical table, to ascertain the relative productiveness of the application of labor to the North and to the South. Certainly not by the extremely deceptive one furnished by our bewildered orator. The whole bearing, therefore, of this part of our orator's statistical statements, so far as it is comprehensible, is demonstrated to be deceptive and fallacious.

You have now in review before you, Mr. Speaker, with as much certainty and accuracy as I can give it, the whole contents of our orator's formidable, sonorous, bombastical, statistical statements: and, after all this grand parade, to what do they amount? Do they present any inducements for abandoning the American system of principle, of competition, and of freedom, for the European one of caprice, of monopoly, and of despotism? On the other hand, sir, do they not furnish the most awful admonitions against this great change of principle? And have I not made good my promise, sir, in demonstrating either that they were too incomprehensible for the brilliant, superficial mind of our orator-that in fact he did not understand them-or, that he has availed himself of their complexity and incomprehensibility, deceptively to practice upon the understandings of others, by withholding from them the most material facts, to enable them to judge correctly?

[About this time, the debate was suspended, for above an hour, in consequence of the roaring of cannon on the Capital Square, in commemoration of the birth day of Washington.]

The House having resumed its session in the afternoon, the Speaker asked, whether I was ready to proceed with the debate? Answering in the affirmative, I rose and proceeded to remark-I cannot help disclosing to the house, that the state of my feelings becomes more embarrassed, as I progress in the discussion of this question, from the recollection of the great portion of time I have already occupied, as well as from the anticipation of the portion of it, which will still be necessary to enable me to present the whole of my views of the whole subject. But, sir, permit me to assure you, that the subject has lost nothing of its magnitude, nor interest, from examination, and consideration. No, sir, so far from it, I become more impressed with its

importance, upon every step I advance in its discussion. Still impelled then, sir, by the invigorating impulse which induced me to introduce the subject, I proceed with its thorough developement; and, sir, I have now arrived at a point, in this perplexed, and complicated speech, which has something more of affinity, and connexion with the doctrines of the tariff; than could be found in the remote, expansive field of our brilliant orator's sonorous statistics. Indulge me too, sir, with observing here, that although, as I think, the misconceptions, miscalculations, and want of comprehension, on the part of our bewildered orator, have before been demonstrably made to appear, in relation to the whole of his statistics, his deceptive promises, preposterous absurdities, and palpable contradictions, embraced in the present quotation, will be rendered still more evident. They will be found too, to relate to the git of the question. They present the splendid orator's views of the whole promised protection of agriculture; pretended to be one main object of this tariff scheme--his political panacea, for curing all the ills of all the occupations in society. That our brilliant Õrator may have the full benefit of the whole of his views, and promises to the agriculturists, I will present the whole in one compact form. Here permit me to protest, sir, against an imputation, often brought against me; that I have heretofore misrepresented gentlemen, in the public prints. So far from it, I have ever made it an invariable rule, where reference could be had to written documents, to quote them, in the author's own words; so that, in every instance, he shall tell his own tale upon himself; and I have, at all times, taken this course, from the fear of doing, by possibility, unintentional injustice to the object of my commentaries. I am induced, by the same fear of possibly doing unintentional injustice to our brilliant orator, by my recital, to quote his speech in a connected form in its own words, in reference to each point, to which it applies

Extract from Speech-Page 14.

"What sort of a figure would a member of the British Parliament have made; what sort of a reception would his opposition have? obtained, if he had remonstrated against the passage of the Corn Law, by which British consumption is limited to the bread-stuffs of British production, to the entire exclusion of American, and stated that America could not and would not buy British manufactures, if Britain did not buy American flour?"

"Our agricultural is our greatest interest. It ought ever to be predominant. All others should bend to it. And in considering what is for its advantage, we should contemplate it in all its varieties, of planting, farming, and grazing. Can we do nothing to invigorate it; nothing to correct the errors of the past, and to brighten the still more unpromising prospects which lie before us?"

им

Extract-page 18.

"But this home market, highly desirable as it is, can only be created and cherished by the PROTECTION of our own legislation against the inevitable prostration of our industry, which must ensue from the action of FOREIGN policy and legislation. The effect and the value of this domestic care of our own interests will be obvious from a few fects and considerations. Let us suppose that half a million of persons are now employed abroad in fabricating for our consumption, those articles, of which by the operation of this bill a supply is intended to be provided within ourselves. That half a million of persons are, in effect, subsisted by us; but their actual means of subsistence are drawn from foreign agriculture. If we could transport them to this country, and incorporate them in the mass of our own population, there would instantly arise a demand for an amount of provisions equal to that which would be requisite for their subsistence throughout the whole year. That demand, in the article of flour alone, would not be less than the quantity of about 900,000 barrels, besides a proportionate quantity of beef and pork, and other articles of subsistence. But nine hundred thousand barrels of flour exceeded the entire quantity exported last year, by nearly one hundred and fifty thousand barrels. What activity would not this give, what cheerfulness would it not communicate, to our now dispirited farming interest! But if, instead of these 500,000 artisans emigrating from abroad, we give by this bill, employment to an equal number of our own citizens now engaged in unprofitable agriculture, or idle, from the want of business, the beneficial effect upon the productions of our farming labour would be nearly doubled. The quantity would be diminished by a subtraction of the produce from the labour of all those who should be diverted from its pursuits to manufacturing industry, and the value of the residue would be enhanced, both by that diminution and the creation of the home market to the extent supposed. And the honorable gentleman from Virginia, may repress any apprehensions which he entertains, that the plough will be abandoned, and our fields remain unsown. For, under all the modifications of social industry, if you will secure to it a just reward, the greater attractions of agriculture will give to it that proud superiority which it has always maintained."

Again-page 22.

"The agricultural portion of it is said by the gentleman from Virginia, to be greater than that created by any other branch of her industry. But that flows mainly from a policy similar to that proposed by this bill."

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Again-page 39.

"The best security against the demoralization of society, is the constant and profitable employment of its members. The greatest danger to public liberty is from idleness and vice. If manufactures form cities, so does commerce. And the disorders and violence which proceed from the contagion of the passions, are as frequent in one description of those communities as in the other. There is no doubt but that the yeomanry of a country is the safest depository of public liberty. In all time to come, and under probable direction of the labour of our population, the agricultural class must be much the most numerous and powerful, and will ever retain, as it ought to retain, a preponderating influence in our councils. The extent and the fertility of our lands constitute an adequate security against an excess in manufactures, and also against oppression on the part of capitalists towards the labouring portions of the community."

any

Mr. Speaker, attentively review these quotations, sir, and ask yourself if they do not furnish the most reluctant reflections; that when the human mind, once becomes enamoured of an object, dazzled with a prize, it is rendered incapable of doing itself justice by the proper, and unbiassed exercise of its own faculties. Our sublimated orator, dazzled with the prize of the presidential chair, was speaking to please every body: All things, to all men; but the great object of his speech, would seem to have been, to bribe the voters of the manufacturing states, and to risk his chance with the agricultural states, upon expressions of affectionate wishes, and smypathetic interests. Hence his delusive language to the agriculturists, whilst he is actually plundering them, to make up his bribe to the manufacturers His protection to the manufacturers, is made to consist of the money of others; whilst no money of any body's, is given to the agriculturist for his protection. In lieu of it, he is paid off with fairy tales, and delusive promises. Let me beg your attention then, sir, to this highly interesting branch of the subject. Let us coolly, and calmly make the enquiry, what the agriculturist actually pays, what he gets, and what he is promised, by our orator? First, then, as to our aspiring orator's promises to the agriculturists. In page 21, our orator says: "The agricultural portion of it (the productions of labor,) is said, by the gentleman from Virginia, to be greater than that created by any other branch of her (British) industry; but that flows mainly from a policy similar to that proposed in this bill." Here our aspiring orator asserts; that the great productions of agriculture in Great Britain, have accrued in that country, "from a policy similar to that proposed in this bill." It is of course concluded, that the agriculture of this country, is intended by the tariff bill, to be put upon at least as good a footing, as British agriculture is, by their tariff laws. This assurance is made doubly sure, by an express declaration of the splendid orator: For, although he declares