Vice-Admiral. Now, before proceeding to the second and third types of authority in this wonderful land of experiments, I may point out that the conditions which were so favourable for the working of local autonomy, and "responsible Government" in Australia, and almost to the same degree in Canada, were not, and are not, present in South Africa. In both Australia and Canada there is a subject native race, but it is relatively unimportant in numbers, and ! does not seem to increase. In South Africa the number of the native race south of the Zambesi is variously estimated; but all agree that it cannot be less than six to one of the white race-six millions to less than one million-and, more formidable still, it is rapidly increasing, owing, apparently, to their own custom of polygamy, and to the peace which is British. Imperial interests are, therefore, affected, and Imperial duties towards those races cannot be handed over to merely local governments.

Again, another difference, and equally important, at least for our time and generation. In Australia the population is homogeneous, and all are intensely British in spirit, all speaking English. In Canada, although there is a Frenchspeaking province, the loyalty to the Empire of the French Canadians is as undoubted and as proved as that of the French-speaking folk of Guernsey and Jersey and the rest of the group of islands in the Gulf Stream. In South ! Africa the disaffection of a considerable section of the Dutch-speaking people has scarred deep traces in the history of the past century, and, while I write, is being proclaimed ; by the thunder of cannon on British soil.

Under such conditions it is not too much to say that the experiment of "responsible government" was somewhat rash.

The next form of authority we find is that of "the High Commissioner for South Africa and Protector of Native Tribes," Commander-in-Chief of Her Majesty's Forces, and Vice-Admiral of the Cape of Good Hope. There appears to be no precise definition of his powers, and no military force at his immediate 'disposal to enforce them, whatever they

are. The High Commissioner communicates by despatch with the Colonial Secretary in London, but-apart from a sudden emergency, which has only once occurred, when in 1857 Sir George Grey despatched to quell the Indian Mutiny Imperial troops ordered elsewhere he can only await instructions. As Commander-in-Chief he has under his orders only such portions of the Imperial troops as happen to be in Cape Colony-until the present war only a few thousand men. The Colonial troops are under the control of "responsible" Ministers. He has no authority over even the Imperial troops in the Colony of Natal, where the local Governor is Commander-in-Chief.

In the Native Reserves of Basutoland and Bechuanaland the High Commissioner holds the legislative power, his proclamations being law. The Resident of Basutoland and other officials represent his authority. From these territories white immigration is excluded.

Lastly, we come to Rhodesia. Here all the functions of State are partitioned. Originally, at the first occupation in 1890, all legislative and administrative power was vested in the British South Africa Company. Since the Jameson Raid the remainder of administrative power is still in the Company's hands, but the administration of justice and the control of the Mounted Police, the armed force, is in the hands of the Imperial authority, represented by a Deputy High Commissioner. Recently the legislative authority is shared with a newly-created Legislative Council.

This survey shows that it would surpass the wit of man to devise a more confusing maze of conflicting, overlapping, and clashing authority. And this in face of the fact that the whole white population from the Zambesi to Table Mountain, British and Dutch, are one community, inextricably interwoven by family and business relationships, and that the geographical conformation of the country makes the whole population, Dutch and British, dependent, up to the present, for their trade, import and export, on a few harbours, all, with one exception, in British hands.

To save trouble to the Home Government, an absurd

attempt has been made to constitute and deal with these territories, as if they were different countries; hence not so much needless multiplication of authorities-for variations of local authority to meet local needs can only be usefulbut the absence of any general scheme of government, applying to the whole of South Africa, or indeed of any reasoned scheme at all. If it wished to be consistent in its inconsistency, why did not the Imperial Government erect chains of fortresses all along the borders of these various British territories, so as to imitate as closely as possible the particularist Germany of opera bouffe?

From the point of view of Imperial welfare the fatal omission has been to provide a means and method of co-ordination. Imperial South Africa has been condemned to ataxia.

Both in war and in peace the hands of the Imperial representative are tied. If, as we have seen, war be threatened, the High Commissioner is liable to be impeded at every turn by the self-governing power of Cape Colony, of which he is Governor, in which he resides, and through whose Ministers responsible to a local parliament he must act. To use the Colonial forces, he must secure their consent, consent which, one is told in South Africa, cannot always be safely reckoned on. If Imperial troops use the Colonial railways he may read of supporters in Parliament, of the Ministry in power, murmuring at "Our Colonial railways" being made use of by Imperial troops going to kill "our kinsmen." Of course he can dismiss the Ministry, and plunge a country at war into a general election, as Sir Bartle Frere was intrepid enough to do, although that was only war with natives, not with Dutch, and be proclaimed a "prancing pro-Consul" by an eloquent Prime Minister in England.

In peace, equally serious difficulties may arise. The Protector of Natives may deem it expedient and just to institute measures, within the self-governing Colony as well as beyond its borders, which may not harmonise with the beliefs or prejudices which regard "Zwart Schepsel" as beings without rights.

In a word, co-ordination of the action of all South African States, when the safety of the whole Empire is concerned, must be provided for. Unless the necessity should become urgent, on account of developments which have not yet happened, it will not be necessary to suspend the experiment of self-government, already in operation in two of the Colonies. It will be quite sufficient to introduce certain modifications of the powers of the self-governing Colonies, which will give the Imperial representative in South Africa a free hand, in everything affecting Imperial welfare. The problem is too complex, the issues are too dangerous to be left altogether in local hands. The community, torn by racial Dutch and British dissensions, confronted everywhere by an overwhelming majority of Kaffir tribes; distracted by an anti-British propaganda, striving to expel the Imperial power; the centre, too, of operations of world finance, turning round the vast South African product of gold and diamonds, which, for the safety of the Empire, must not be allowed to come completely under the control of cosmopolitan capitalists; a community such as this is not one in which the welfare of the Empire can be with safety entrusted to local hands without Imperial guidance. A community, too, the protection of whose coasts the integrity of whose territory has lately been effected, once again, at the expenditure of tens of millions of Imperial treasure, and thousands of lives of Imperial soldiers.

To establish firmly the Imperial hold on South Africa, a complete re-organisation is therefore necessary of the office of High Commissioner, and such minor modifications of the local constitutions as may be required. Following the course marked out by our Indian experience the High Commissioner should become Governor-General of South Africa, with all powers needful for the protection of the integrity of the Empire, and the safety of South Africa as a whole; and for the discharge of duties incumbent on the Imperial Power towards the other great divisions of the Empire, which may not be delegated to local authority. The authority of the Governor-General should spring directly from the Imperial

Parliament, delegating to him power to annul acts of the Provincial administrations. In India the Governor-General in Council is charged "with the superintendence, direction and control of the whole civil and military government."

A Council, as in India, would be clearly necessary. In India, however, the appointment rests with the Crown, in South Africa, the precedent need not be so closely followed. Seeing that, unlike in India, there is a considerable European population endowed with self-government, a preferable method of appointing a certain proportion of members of the Council might well be from lists of alternative names, submitted by the local Administrations; the nomination to be by the Governor for the time being. In this way the Governor-General would be kept in touch with local views and experience; and at the same time the selection of the names of candidates would be less likely to degenerate into a party contest; while the power of selecting from different names submitted would facilitate the presence of members more likely to work in harmony with the particular Imperial representative in office. The remainder of the members of the Council could be appointed by direct nomination by the Governor-General from leading residents in South Africa, whether in or out of Parliament. The Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial troops in South Africa should be a member of the Council to advise on military affairs.

As in India the Council should be an advisory body, having no right to direct by their vote the action, legislative or administrative, of the Governor-General, but they should have the right of being consulted; and if the GovernorGeneral decided to disregard the advice of the majority, it should be his duty to place his reasons on record. The Council should have the right of placing their opinions on record when they differed from those of the Governor, and of having their dissenting minutes forwarded to the Imperial Government.

The legislative powers of the Governor-General in Council should be defined. It would be found on investigation that they need not be unduly restrictive of local self