government. Nor would they be likely to be put to very extensive use, or even to lead to any material conflict with local legislation. The presence of these powers would inevitably tend to prevent local legislatures or administrations from taking any steps inimical to the interests of other provinces in South Africa, or of South Africa as a whole, or to the Imperial welfare. A general power of veto over local legislation or acts of administration in any of the three cases just enumerated, would probably be found sufficient, in conjunction with the power to legislate by ordinance an extension of the present power of the High Commissioner to legislate by proclamation-with regard to military steps necessary for the safety of the Empire, the internal order of South Africa, the repression of rebellion, or of native risings; with regard to the native policy to be adopted by the Governor-General in his capacity of "Protector of Natives"; and with regard to matters affecting other Colonies or divisions of the Empire, such as the immigration of Indians.

A special Imperial force levied and equipped in South Africa for which the present irregular corps would form an admirable nucleus-should, in addition to the ordinary Imperial troops, be under the direct command of the High Commissioner, to be despatched to any district of all South Africa.

In India, general control and supervision of finance is vested in the Governor-General in Council. In South Africa this power seems hardly required. Exception might be made, however, as regards a contribution to the military expenditure and to the navy expenditure of the Empire. A power to legislate by ordinance, as to the maintenance, by contributions from all the provinces of the whole organisation of the Governor-General's staff, of the Legislative Council, and of the special Imperial force, would be plainly desirable; the expense could be most conveniently assessed on the Customs duties. It would be highly inexpedient to leave the voting of such contributions to local authority. Further control over finance would hardly be necessary, as, in the

only eventuality that might seem to require it—a tariff war between two or more provinces-the interposition of the veto of the Governor-General would prove a sufficient protection to general South African interests.

One word, in addition, as to the slight curtailment of the local authority of the self-governing colonies. It has been shown that it need not be considerable, urgently though it be required; it has been shown that the views of each province would be sure of representation at the Council of the Governor-General. The justice, however, of the Empire's claim, and that the claim is not a matter of favour, is clear when are considered the enormous loss and cost to the Empire of the present war-the direct result of the absence of a central authority to adequately represent the Imperial power in South Africa. And, again, when we consider that all the colonies and provinces rest immediately on the sea power for the protection of the coast, and immediately, too, on the Imperial troops, for defence against domestic rebellion and Kaffir attack.

These arguments, however, are hardly necessary. The loyalty of the loyal colonists of Natal and the Cape, which has stood the stress of battle, will not exaggerate the minor surrender of local privileges which the present war has shown the Empire to require. No such surrender of power and privilege is expected or is requisite as that which took place in India, when, after the Mutiny of 1857, the authority of the great company was transferred to the Imperial Crown.

CHAPTER XXVII.

POLICY OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA.

THE policy of the general Government of South Africa, carried out by its own immediate agency, or immediately through the local Government of the Provinces, should be initiated on clearly fixed principles, to ensure permanence in results and stability in purpose, although individuals may change. The melancholy record of South African history shows how the absence of any fixed scheme of Government, of any tenable or permanent ideal of policy, together with the absence of any real freedom of initiative or other than a merely precarious tenure of office in Imperial representation, have coloured the whole life and development of the composite people of European descent.

Vigour, initiative, security of power in the Imperial representative, having been rendered possible by the changes just now indicated, part of that necessary reorganisation must be the adoption as a fixed rule by the Colonial Officethe rule of the Council of the Secretary of State for Indiato interefere as little as possible with the Governor-General in Council of South Africa.

The principles to be set steadily in view by the new general Government should be those which the mistakes of the past and the dangers of the present and future equally point out.

First must be a consistent repudiation of that unhappy ideal of tribal exclusiveness-that fatal heritage of isolation in the wilds-which has been the chief cause of the present The solidarity of the European race in South Africa

war.

must never be lost sight of, with its principles of justice, equality and liberty, sad though it may be, that the recognition of such an elementary truth should have to be enforced by the sword in the twentieth century. Equal rights for civilised men in South Africa, equal welcome for all, British or Dutch, Canadians, Australians or Americans, coming to South Africa to make it their home. To promote the growth of a new South African nationality, embracing all of European descent, and in active loyalty to the Empire of which it is a constituent part, must be the highest goal of Imperial statesmanship, while in any way consistent with the higher duty of preserving the integrity of the Empire, every consideration should be given to the sentiment of those citizens who are descendants from the earlier Colonists; and care should be taken to show that the supremacy of the Empire does not mean the establishing of a racial oligarchy of any section of its citizens.

Another principle which past dissensions and present experience equally warn us is necessary, is that recognition should constantly be accorded to the truth, that not equality, social or political, but tutelage is the position which justice accords to the uncivilised natives of South Africa.

The principle should be recognised that, while the regution of immigration from India and our other possessions is a matter of Imperial concern, there is a prior and superior claim of the Europeans-who in tropical lands can only exist as exotics-to immigrate and occupy temperate lands, such as South Africa, and that this right exists apart from the consideration that not Orientals, but Europeans, have colonised and civilised this land.

The measures necessary to be taken by the General Government for the establishing of secure prosperity for all inhabitants group themselves under various divisions. In some, the measures can only be taken-consistently with safety and efficiency-by the General Government. In others, while by instituting inquiry and affording guidance, the General Government may greatly contribute to the successful action of the subordinate governments, the actual

carrying out of the measures may be left to local administration.

First, among the measures which can be efficiently carried out by the General Government alone, must be counted the placing of the whole European community in South Africa on a sound military basis. The formation of a force of military police for the whole dominion is one of the first necessities of the hour. Fortunately, as the war shows, there is no lack of material.

A sound economic basis is also essential, and some of the necessary measures could only, from their vastness, be adequately undertaken by the General Government. A well organised scheme of irrigation works, carried out by the State would change the whole face of the country. In view of its also changing the political complexion of large districts, by inducing greater British immigration of colonists, coming as agriculturists and not as cattle-ranchers, it is obviously a matter for the General Government.*

Land tenure is a matter with which, in view of the enormous tracts which are still Crown lands, the General Government should deal on a wide basis and with fixed principles. A Commission to investigate and report on the New Zealand, Australian, and United States systems of opening up new lands would afford useful guidance, as the problems there are somewhat similar. The growth of the class styled "Bijwoners" (tenants-at-will on another's farm) deserves speedy attention, as the class is rapidly developing into the most dangerous element in any society. with a subject native race-the "Poor Whites." With their recent military occupation taken from them, they will become an even greater menace. Their origin seems largely to have arisen from the absence of enactments, like the United States Homestead Exemption Acts, to prevent farmers being quite expropriated for debt; and partly from the subdivision of inheritances.

One is assured on all sides that a steady opposition to any measures tending to favour British immigration has been pursued for years by those desirous of making South Africa all Dutch.