THE AMERICAN UNION.

CHAPTER I.

THE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE UNION.

No subject attracts so large a share of public attention, at the present day, as the American Union. In France and Germany, as well as in this country, its disruption affects interests of such magnitude, that in each of them it seems rather the shock of a great national calamity than the subdued reaction of some remote event. In this country the interest is twofold, for beyond its effect on commerce, the final result will shape, through all future time, the fortunes of a people who are destined to be the most numerous family of our race. The subject is thus of commanding interest to all thoughtful minds, whether intent on political inquiry, or engaged in mercantile pursuits, whether depressed by the former history of similar events, or but recently elated with the buoyant hopes which the exulting prosperity of the New World encouraged. And there are those who are impressed with the belief, that it may prove impossible for this country to maintain a

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policy of inaction for so long a period as civil wars have usually endured. We are, indeed, already parties to the contest, as sharing the suffering it creates. So far the progress of events has still permitted us to look on as spectators; but the time approaches when large masses of our population will be reduced to want, and when, however anxious to maintain neutrality, it will become extremely difficult to continue in an attitude of indifference.

There is also the established policy of modern times, which, discarding the old doctrine of divine right, recognizes established governments as matter of fact, leaving the discussion of their origin or right to those who adopt or dispute them. On this policy we have acted in all the cases which have hitherto occurred in America. Το refuse to apply the rule in the present case, would be to make an exception; and this might fairly be construed by the party whom it would affect as a breach of the spirit of neutrality, which should aim at treating all alike. If acted upon, it will plainly be unsafe to rely on the equanimity of the other belligerent. Yet the question may arise at no very distant date, and it will claim our decision. That decision will greatly influence the issue of the contest; and looking to the irretrievable. nature of its consequences, it will readily be admitted that public opinion, which must guide so largely the action of government, can hardly be too fully informed upon the merits of the case.

Up to the present time, by far the greater part of the information and argument placed before us, has been supplied by one only of the contending parties. The Federal or legitimate party-for, strange at it seems, this term may now be used in American affairs-have an overwhelming command of the press. They have the ear of Europe, and the advantage of exclusive and constant intercourse with us. And greatly beyond these in its influence to their advantage, is the fact that they speak to those whose principles and sympathy incline greatly in their favour.

But all know that, in political affairs, sentiment and sympathy have the effect of colouring media, through which objects are presented in a light more or less at variance with truth. The more they attract in the direction of one party the more requisite it becomes to hold them at arm's length— to follow the example of one of our judges, who recently replied to an impatient counsel: "It is for the very reason that my opinion inclines to your side, that I must weigh the more carefully what arguments there may be upon the other."

A feeling has been expressed that the present period is not the time for any inquiry into American institutions, and that criticism should be hushed in the presence of such grave events. Unquestionably, that small criticism which employs itself on matters of taste and habits would be sadly out of place at such time; and this may be said, too, of any inquiry conducted in a carping

spirit. It can be no time to recount a man's faults when he lies stretched in dangerous illness; but it may be right, even essential, to inquire what has brought him to that condition-what causes, predisposing to disease, must be eradicated before he can be thoroughly restored, and more especially, how far any course we may take would delay or promote recovery to really sound health.

Another reason for silence has been assigned by those who remind us that we are of the same kith and kin. This, like all sentiment, may be pushed to an undue excess. Relationship is mutual, and its obligations are mutual. We cannot discover where this has been acknowledged by American citizens, save in their eloquence in after-dinner Anglo-Saxon speeches. Words are very well in their way, but facts should agree with them. We have received for many years one certain and unvarying treatment-our manufactures have just been virtually prohibited-the largest branch of our commerce is now paralyzed by a deliberate act we are addressed in terms, and visited with threats, which bespeak no manner of affection. The relationship appears to bring to one side considerable indignity and scant justice; must it return to the other nothing but tenderness and love? There has perhaps been enough of this fastidious delicacy, and matters grow too serious for more of it. It may possibly have created a willingness to rely upon it, and to abuse it. We take it to be now our plain duty neither to be

dismayed at the present power of America, nor at that which has already threatened us as a prospect of the future,-nor yet to be disturbed by any virulence of the press, with which that country is afflicted,-nor, furthermore, to be restrained sentiments which, though responded to in phrases, are denied in facts. We have been invited, nay, vehemently urged, to support the Union, or to sympathize with those who are struggling to restore it. Under these circumstances shall we take its merits upon trust, and continue to believe in them on hearsay; or may we not attempt to form an opinion of our own, whether or not it be for the real welfare of any portion of the United States that the Union should be restored?

We cannot, indeed, dispute the eloquence of the terms in which its advantages have been portrayed. The marvellous progress of the United States seems to confirm these glowing descriptions. We have heard, too, indignant denunciations of rebels and traitors, and our own loyalty has predisposed us to join in the censure, though in the milder spirit of the looker-on. We have heard of the Free, as opposed to the Slave States, and our repugnance to slavery has impelled us towards the voice that was said to be the voice of freedom. We hear the praises of the Constitution, sounding and resounding so loudly, that we fall into a kind of deferential acquiescence, and yield ourselves to be swept along by so irresistible a torrent of applause.