Control as a system which ensures to them a comparatively just Government and moderate taxation; second, that several classes, official or other, will be hostile to this system, because it impedes or prevents the illicit gains which, hydra-headed, are sure to be rife in Egypt as elsewhere in the East. These considerations may perhaps be found worthy of the attention of those who, in the first instance, are impressed with such highsounding phrases as "Egypt for the Egyptians," and "the National Party." If the Egyptian classes, from whose mouths these cries proceed, could be exactly analysed, it might possibly be discovered that the agitation has but a limited significance. In this agitation there are doubtless several elements, among which national aspirations and religious sentiments must be reckoned; one element, however, consists of special interests which would be deemed objectionable, and will not be avowed. Among the enemies of the Control, and in the rebel camp itself, there may be individuals who, however misguided have patriotism in their hearts.

Be that as it may, there remains the fact that this Control was deliberately sanctioned by England and France, and has operated for several years with undoubted benefit to Egyptian credit and to the native population. Its abandonment, then, in the future settlement would at the least be difficult, unless something equivalent shall be substituted. Those who have heretofore been in favour of this Control will hardly be convinced that the recent disturbances afford a justification for its relinquishment. These events may, however, necessitate its reconsideration and modification. The conditions of the debt do indeed seem to have been reviewed carefully before the Control was established, and the Egyptian Government renewed its obligations. Still, if those whose views are entitled to respect shall think that there is anything immoderate or injurious in these conditions, they might be allowed an opportunity of vindicating that opinion. Or if the Control should be found to have in practice gone beyond its limited sphere, and to have

CHAP. XIX.

SUEZ CANAL.

433

interfered more than was absolutely necessary with the Egyptian autonomy and administration, then the rules of conduct might be modified. At all events if the existing control be abandoned the British Government must see that an adequate substitute is provided.

Lastly, as regards the Suez Canal, some eminent authorities connected with the Canal Company seem to object to this great work being made the base of military operations. Several interesting arguments have been adduced in favour of that view. But, whatever may be the value of that contention under certain circumstances and conditions, there is no doubt that the British Government, proceeding with the consent, indeed at the declared request, of the Khedive, is altogether entitled to use the Canal for suppressing by armed force a revolt in Egypt. The British commander is acting on behalf of the lawful ruler of the country, the Khedive, against proclaimed rebels. The Canal is unquestionably in Egyptian jurisdiction. Though constructed by French genius and enterprise, and in a large degree with French financial resources, still it belongs to Egypt, and is in part at least sustained by Egyptian resources. The British Government too has, as will be immediately recollected, acquired in it a not inconsiderable share. Its channel then is legitimately available to the Khedive and his British allies for the purpose of suppressing a rebellion against his authority. This limited proposition seems so clear that the bare statement of it may suffice.

But respecting this important water highway other international questions are understood to have been raised. The phrase, "neutralization of the Suez Canal," may sound strangely to British ears, and there may be doubt as to its exact import. If it mean that the Canal may be closed against British ships of war or military transport, then it surely will not be allowed by the British Government and nation. The reinforcements for the British troops serving in India and other parts of Asia, the munitions of war, the ships joining the British squadrons in

Indian and in Chinese waters, pass through the Canal. The British mail service for India, China, and Australia, and a large part of British commerce with those regions, use the Canal highway. Potent as these interests are in time of peace, their cogency and urgency would be enhanced in time of war. Manifestly England must command the freest passage during peace, and it appears impossible that her discretion or her action should be fettered during war. Whatever privileges she uses ordinarily would doubtless be claimed equally by other nations. In the event of war it were perhaps vain to anticipate the form or forms which questions might take. The only point that need be presumed is this, that England must be free as regards her own action in the Canal for her military safety.

In conclusion, if hereafter the finances and resources of Egypt shall enable the Native Government to undertake enterprises beyond the limits of Lower Egypt, then magnificent schemes for utilising the river-water only await the means of execution in what may be termed the middle valley of the Nile. Beyond that again, in the upper valley of the great river, in the basins of the White Nile, the Blue Nile, and their tributaries, there is a productive area abounding in natural resources capable of sustaining a great population, but as yet scantily inhabited by tribes who, though now fierce, are not untameable. In this wondrous region a beneficent work can be performed, if the Egyptian Government shall fortunately acquire the power of performance. In this work Samuel Baker and Gordon have been the pioneers. If it languish for a while, it may be resumed hereafter. Then, if it be pursued to its legitimate conclusion, the results will be the suppression of slavery and the production of endless benefit to the human race in Northern Africa.*

* Since writing the article I have visited Egypt; and my information, gathered on the spot, confirms all that is stated in this chapter.-R. T.

CHAPTER XX.

ASPECT OF PALESTINE IN 1883.

[Reprinted from the 'Evening News,' London, July 1883.]

Peculiar benefit from travelling in Palestine - Best season for journeying Atmospheric effects in stormy weather-Character of the scenery. Scriptural associations of the Holy Land-Relating to the Old Testament Relating to the New Testament - Number and variety of sacred places Holy sentiments gathering round them Historical associations

Cave-cells and rock-hewn tombs Antiquarian remains beyond the Jordan Phoenician remains Greek and Roman ruins Herodian buildings Monuments of the Crusaders' æra - Divisions of the present population - The modern Canaanites-The Jews in the land of their race Political considerations The Turkish administration - The

-

Christian missionary establishments - Influence of the great European

Powers.

HAVING recently returned from a pilgrimage to Palestine, I proceed to describe briefly the aspect of the Holy Land during the early part of the present year (1883).

In the first place, intending travellers would do well to consider beforehand the object for which they undertake a journey that, for Christians, is quite unique in its character, being wholly unlike any other journey that can be undertaken by them. If, after having heard reports, or seen illustrated books regarding Picturesque Palestine,' they proceed to the Holy Land in the same frame of mind as that in which they would visit Italy or Greece, or even Egypt, they may be disappointed, and may find their glowing anticipations suddenly chilled. It is this sort of disappointment which has in Palestine been some

times called "disillusion." A little forethought would soon convince a cultured man that brilliant expectations must not be formed respecting the aspect of Palestine, seeing that the Land has not any Alpine features, being in altitude of mountains about equal to Great Britain; had never any exuberant vegetation, and has been denuded of the forests it once possessed; had but few fine examples of ancient art, and has long ago lost most, though not all, of the architectural monuments which existed; in short, has all the external drawbacks which are to be expected in a country that for ages was subject to war, devastation, revolution, and misgovernment. If, then, a man's mind is bent upon the glories of nature and the beauties of art mainly, to the exclusion of other subjects, he should hardly resort to Palestine. If he does, he will probably return declaring that there is but little to be seen there.

But if his mind be imbued with biblical, scriptural, and historical associations, with the sentiments relating to the traditions of the early Christians and of the religious bodies into which Christendom has since been divided, then Palestine will more than repay even the utmost labour that he can devote to its study. To him a pilgrimage to Palestine is the most instructive and interesting task which can be undertaken upon this earth. However wide his experience may be of travel in various lands, it will all pale in significance as compared with the experience which he will gain in the Land of the Book. However bright his visions may be of sunny climes in other quarters of the globe, they will be like "ineffectual fires" after the memories which are left in his soul by the sacred scenery.

It is from this point of view, then, that I shall endeavour humbly to portray, with the imperfection which is inevitable, some of the lessons to be learnt from a tour in Palestine. The imperfection, too, is aggravated by the circumstance that, while the subject is ineffably great, the tour must, from the character of the climate and country, be short.