Sir, we may fulfill this sublime destiny if wo will but faithfully adhere to the great maxims of the Revolution; honestly carry into their legiti mate practical applications the high principles of Democracy; and preserve inviolate plighted faith and solemn compacts. Let us do this, putting our trnst in the God of our fathers, and there is no dream of national prosperity, power and glory, which ancient or modern builders of ideal commonwealths ever conceived, which we may not hope to realize. But if we turn aside from these ways of honor, to walk in the by-paths of tempo

queathed to us the great duty of so administering the Government which they organized, as to protect the rights, to guard the interests, and promote the well-being of all persons within its jurisdiction, and thus present to the nations of the earth a noble example of wise and just self-government, sir, I have faith enough to believe that we shall yet fulfil this high duty. Let me borrow the inspiration of MILTON, while I declare my belief that we have yet a country "not degenerated nor drooping to a final decay, but destined, by casting off the old and wrinkled skin of corruption, to outlive these pangs, and wax young again, AND, EN-rary expedients, compromising with wrong, abetTERING THE GLORIOUS WAYS OF TRUTH AND PROSPEROUS VIRTUE, BECOME GREAT AND HONORABLE IN THESE LATTER AGES. Methinks I see in my mind a great and puissant nation rousing herself Sir, I trust that the result of this discussion will like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her show that the American Senate will sanction no invincible locks. Methinks I see her as an eagle breach of compact. Let us strike from the bill mewing her mighty youth, and kindling her en- that statement which historical facts and our perdazzled eyes AT THE FULL MID-DAY BEAM; purging sonal recollections disprove, and then reject the and scaling her long-abused sight AT THE FOUNTAIN whole proposition which looks toward a violation ITSELF OF HEAVENLY RADIANCE; while the whole of the plighted faith and solemn compact which noise of timorous and flocking birds, with those our fathers made, and which we, their sons, are also that love the twilight, flutter about, amazed bound by every tie of obligation sacredly to at what she means, and in their envious gabble maintain.

would prognosticate a year of sects and schisms." |

ting oppression, and repudiating faith, the wisdom and devotion and labors of our fathers will have been all-all in vain.

62

SPEECH OF THE HON. BENJAMIN F. WADE, OF OHIO,

IN THE SENATE, FEB. 6, 1854.

The Senate having under consideration the bill | years ago; and the Missouri compromise has been to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, the pending question being on the amendment of Mr. CHASE to strike out from section 14 the words:

"was superseded by the principles of the legislation of 1850, commonly called the compromise measures, and

So that the clause will read:

regarded, so far as I know, from that time to this, as having a character not much less important or sacred than that of the Constitution itself. During all that period of time until the present, I have not known a man bold enough to come forward and question its propriety, or move its repeal. And why is that movement made now? When I came to this Congress, I little thought that such a question That the Constitution, and all laws of the United would be precipitated upon the people. We passed States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the through a sectional excitement, which some besame force and effect within the said Territory of Nebras-lieved endangered the union of these States, in ka as elsewhere within the United States, except the eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of 1850. I had no serious apprehensions at that time; Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which but many good men-many eminent statesmen, is hereby declared inoperative." thought there was danger. The excitement, howMr. WADE said: Mr. President, it is not with- ever, subsided, and good feeling was restored beout embarrassment that I rise to debate any ques-tween all sections. A time of peace, we were tion in the Senate of the United States, for it is well told, had come; and for the four last years I have known that I lay no claims to being a debater of general measures that come under consideration. I have generally contented myself with the less ostentatious, but perhaps not less useful, duty of endeavoring to inform myself upon every question that presents itself, and attending to the affairs of the committees to which I belong, leaving others to debate such questions as may from time to time arise. But on the present occasion, sir, I should be doing violence to my own feelings, and I should be recreant in the duty which I owe to the great State which I in part represent, if I did not rise here, and endeavor, with what feeble powers I possess, to stay the progress of the measure now under consideration; for, in my judgment, there never has been a measure of more serious import to the people of the United States. I hope it will be debated by abler men than myself; I hope the enormities of the proposition will be set forth in colors that cannot be misunderstood measure? I should like to hear from the chairhere or elsewhere; for it involves a question of good faith which in my judgment, is material to the perpetuation of the union of these States. It can involve a no less consideration; for I do not believe, after such an act of perfidy committed in any section of the country, or by all sections of the country, that this Union can long survive it.

I can remember when the Missouri compromise was entered into. I have some recollection of that period, though I was then a very young man, and I can remember how anxiously the people of that part of the country to which I belong looked to the progress of that question through Congress. I remember the fearful struggle that took place be tween the different sections of the country, and how anxious our forefathers were lest it should prove utterly disastrous to the union of the States which they then cherished. That was some thirty-four

heard but little else from the political press than that these dangerous, difficult, and delicate questions had been all settled, to the mutual satisfaction of everybody, and were to be concurred in and abided by at all hazards. They were to be a finality; and were not to be questioned, here or elsewhere. In this all the government organs concurred; and from day to day, I believe, all such papers have set forth the glories of the compromise of 1850, and hurled anathemas at any that should question its propriety in any par ticular.

Why is it, then, that at this time it is not only called in question, but a more sacred compromise, that lies far back, is called up and questioned, that it may be annulled? What has transpired? What new light has burst forth upon the people of the United States, that they come forward at this time and demand this great and hazardous

man of the Committee on Territories what new light has burst on these United States that requires this new clause in the bill which he reported? We all know that it is not a year since a bill to establish a territorial government in Nebraska passed very quietly through the House of Representatives, and came into this body; and that when the time of the Congress was cut short by the Constitution, the chairman of the committee was on his feet urging the Senate, at the top of his voico, to pass that bill. Did it occur to him then that the legislation of 1850 had superseded and annulled the great compromise of 1820? I heard no such statement at that time; but I heard the President of this body, the honorable Senator from Missouri, [Mr. ATCHISON,] who lives in that section of the country, in his own person taking the benefit of that compromise. I recollect very well what he said upon the subject,

declaratory of the true intent of the Constitution and the in the Territories, so your committee are not prepared extent of the protection afforded by it to slave property now to recommend a departure from the course pursued on that memorable occasion, either by affirming or repealing the eighth section of the Missouri act, or by any act declaratory of the meaning of the Constitution in re

and no man could be more vigilant than he was to find some crevice through which he could escape from the compromise. But he told you that he had considered it well; he told you that he had looked all around it, and he said he saw that it was all wrong. He affirmed that he had com-spect to the legal points in dispute." mitted two great errors; first, when we per- That, Mr. President, is what the committee mitted the ordinance of 1787 to be applied, and, secondly, when the Missouri compromise was passed; but he said these things are done, they are facts that are irremediable, and they must stand. I submit to them, for there is no getting out of them, and therefore I am willing to pass the bill.

thought about four weeks ago. They had no doubt deliberated upon this subject, and in this report we have the joint wisdom of the whole committee embodied, so far as we know, for I have heard no dissent from it. They reported a bill in accordance with that opinion; and is it not strange, unaccountably strange, that these experienced I ask again, then, what new light has sprung gentlemen, statesmen and Senators should have enup? I heard all that the chairman of the commit-tirely changed their ground, and assigned no reason tee had to say on that subject, but I am still in for the change? Within less than twenty days darkness. Then why, sir, I again ask, has he afterwards they get the bill recommitted to themintroduced a clause which is calculated to excite selves, but they have made no additional report. the Union to madness? Can any reason be given They do not tell us why they have changed their for it that did not exist on the 4th of March last, minds, or that any extraordinary occurrence has when he was urging us to pass the bill without authorized the change which has been made in the the exceptionable clause? No sir; no sir. If any amended bill, which now contains the very prosuch reason exists he has failed to tell us what it visions which they before stated they carefully reWhence shall we seek for knowledge, since frained from touching. But, sir, notwithstanding the committee has failed to enlighten us? If no their extraordinary silence, they have discovered reason can be given, we may ask what motive that the legislation of 1850 had, in some mysterious could prompt a step so hazardous? When men manner, superseded the most stern and stubborn will not frankly disclose their motives, we are law of Congress, which was formed upon a comdriven to an examination of their conduct; and promise as sacred as could be made between conwe seek to satisfy our craving for knowledge by flicting sections of this Union, and concurred in on tracking out the manner in which they have ar-all hands for at least one-third of a century; and rived at their conclusions. If there had been any reason that would bear the light for the clause which is now exciting so much attention, might we not reasonably have expected to find it in the deliberate report that the committee had given us?

is.

yet they flippantly tell us that it is all overturned, all superseded by the compromise legislation of 1850, and hence they embodied this provision in their bill, and ask for its passage. Now, as a lawyer, I hardly know what a man means when he tells me that an act of legislation is superseded Mr. President, this conspiracy to overturn this by a principle. I thought it took an act of Conold time-honored compromise, this old guarantee gress to repeal, or annul, or suspend, a former act. of liberty, is not yet six weeks old. It has been I did not understand how that could be done by a hatched somewhere within that time. I am not principle. I do not know, however, but there going to look back into the history of the opin- may be some new means discovered by which a ions of the chairman of the committee, for I stubborn law of Congress-one of the most solknow that they have been exceedingly mutable. emn acts of legislation, hardly less solemn than I know, at Chicago, some years ago, he preached the Constitution of the United States itself-may a doctrine not precisely in accordance with what be annulled, and repealed, and suspended, by a he has lately preached here. But that is entirely principle which some gentlemen pretend to have unimportant. I do not now pretend to show what found in the legislation of 1850, called "the his opinions are or have been; but here we have compromise;" legislation in which not a single the authentic account of opinions, that some Sen-principle can be made out, as I will attempt, very ators entertained at the time the report was made. soon, to show. Before I quote from this document, may I be permitted to ask whether they believed, at the time they made that report, that the legislation of 1850 superseded the old compromise of 1820? Did any such idea enter into their imagination? No, sir; not at all. They placed the bill that they then reported upon entirely different grounds; and although they had occasion to remark upon this same question, they said it was an important and delicate one, that eminent statesmen had not dared to touch, and they would not do it. That is the sense and spirit of what is contained in the report of the committee. They say, on these subjects:

They involve the same grave issues which produced the agitation, the sectional strife, and the fearful struggle of 1850. As Congress deemed it wise and prudent to refrain from deciding the matters in controversy then, either by affirming or repealing the Mexican laws, or by an act

Mr. DOUGLAS. I can save the gentleman the necessity of arguing upon a point upon which he is evidently laboring under a misapprehension. I stated distinctly, the other day, that my position was: That so far as the country covered by the Missouri compromise was embraced within the limits of Utah and New Mexico, the acts of 1850, in regard to those Territories, rendered the Missouri compromise inoperative, and that, so far as the territory covered by the Missouri compromise was not embraced in those acts, it was superseded by the great principle then established. In other words, I contend that by the acts of 1850 a great principle of self-government was substituted for a geographical line; and hence, by the use of the words "superseded by," I mean which was "inconsistent with " the compromise of 1850. If the gentleman. prefers the words "inconsistent with,"

I will put them in with a great deal of pleasure, | to inquire if nothing can be established in this and that will avoid all the trouble in regard to the Government? Is there nothing too sacred to be use of the word "supersede." overhauled for some miserable party or other purpose?

Mr. WADE. The Senator made a very simple declaration in his speech upon this point, and I have it here. After all the verbiage of the speech of the honorable Senator from Illinois, it is summoned up finally in one idea, and he says so himself. He says upon this point:

"Sir, in order to avoid any misconstruction, I will state more distinctly what my precise idea is upon this point. So far as the Utah and New Mexico bills included the territory which had been subject to the Missouri compromise provision, to that extent they absolutely annulled the Missouri compromise. As to the unorganized territory not covered by those bills, it was superseded by the principles of the compromise of 1850. We all know that the object of the compromise measures of 1850 was to establish cortain great principles, which would avoid the slavery agitation in all time to come. Was our object simply to provide for a temporary evil ?" &c.

Mr. DOUGLAS. Not at all.

Who was it that had the settlement of the Missouri compromise at the time it was made? Was it done by statesmen inferior to those of the present generation? I think not; for there were giants in those days, as great as those of the present. There, sir, stood John C. Calhoun in the Cabinet, advising upon that act. There, too, was Mr. Crawford, and there was Mr. John Quincy Adams. I think that they might, with reasonable propriety, be adjudged to comprehend the work they were doing.

Again I say to my friends from the South, who with me have fought many a political battle shoulder to shoulder-though far distant from each other who have triumphed in a mutual That, he says, was his precise idea. It was that triumph even though we failed to elect your the Missouri compromise was annulled to the ex-great chief, [referring to Mr. CLAY,] when we tent to which Congress, in running the boundary attempted to elevate him, as he deserved, to the lines of New Mexico and Utah, might take for the highest office in the world, that he, too, took part sake of convenience any little piece of territory in this compromise, and I am mortified to see which was covered by the Missouri compromise. that his successors here are endeavoring to blot That certainly was a truism; but the idea that the out the work that his patriotism had performed. acts to organize Utah and New Mexico repealed Why, sir, he is scarcely in his grave before an or superseded the Missouri compromise as to the other generation comes up that knows not what remainder of the territory acquired by the Louisi- he had done, and some even pretend that in what ana cession, is an idea from which I am glad to see he himself did. in 1850, he seemed to concede that that the gentleman now recedes. the compromise of 1820 was not to be lived up to. I was not here in 1850, but I have read the deMr. WADE. Well, the Senator says he does bates of that period, and have endeavored to not recede from his former position. What does inform myself on that subject; and I tell the genhe mean, then, by saying that the Missouri com- tlemen, notwithstanding all they may argue and promise was superseded by the principles of the all they may say on this subject, there is not a compromise measures of 1850? Suppose you run word, nor a syllable, that goes to indicate that any a line with your neighbor, and the line has become one supposed that anything was done then to uncertain, and in order to straighten it you run overthrow the time-honored compromise of 1820. another, and in running this other line may pos- Not one word, sir; but on the contrary, if they sibly take in a little land that belonged to him, or could recur to this compromise, they indorsed it you may leave out a little belonging to yourself; but and reaffirmed it in 1850 beyond all gainsaying. you make a line, and then after you straighten it, No doubt of it. Sir, I was amazed when I heard if you find you entered wrongfully on his land, the the chairman of this committee stand forth here, principles of running that line superseded his title and pretend that in some manner the legislation of to the balance, and therefore you can lay title to 1850 had superseded the compromise of 1820, the whole of his land, if I understand the gentle- and that the Missouri line was blotted out, or reman; for he says he does not recede from the po-pudiated; when, on the contrary, so careful were sitions taken in his bill-not in his report, for it is they in all their legislation not to touch it at all, said there he never would give such an opinion. that they referred to it in terms, and reconfirmed He informed us, in the report, that there was a and re-established it. I will not take up the time matter too grave even for Congress to decide, and of the Senate by reading that provision, although much too grave for a committee, and therefore I have it here, for I presume every one has read they would not do it; and yet in nineteen days afterwards they come in with what is equivalent to a total repeal of the compromise.

Now, Mr. President, I want to know if that act was superseded, if that legislation was inconsistent with this, or if it furnished any occasion-when all sections of the country are at peace, when everything is progressing to the satisfaction of all, and a state of entire good feeling between all sec. tions happens to exist, for throwing a firebrand in here at this time? I know not what the motive can be. I care but little what it is. The deleterious effects of this attempt to repeal that compromise will be felt, not only now, but long after the present generation are in their graves.

I will not answer for the consequences of the legislation of this day, sir; but I anxiously desire

it. By the resolutions annexing Texas the Missouri compromise line was alluded to, and in terms maintained. The provision was, that in the territory above 36° 30′ there should be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for the commission of crime. Those resolutions expressly referred to the line of 36° 30' as the Missouri com. promise line. Then to make assurance doubly sure, in the compromise bill organizing New Mexico, that legislation is referred to, and it is said there shall be nothing so construed as to impair that clause. So far, then, from overturning it, or superseding it in any possible way, they most deliberately turn their attention to it, and for fear any construction of the kind might be drawn, such as the Senator now sees fit to draw, they made a stern provision against it.

But, sir, I need not refer further to the speech doing what you know to be right. I believe tha of the Senator from Illinois. My colleague [Mr. your constituents are honorable men. I believe CHASE, SO entirely pulverized that speech that they will understand the motives which impel you there is not enough of it left upon which a man to do your duty, notwithstanding you might have can possibly hang an idea. [Laughter.] In fact, some fancied influence the other way. The Senthere was nothing to begin with: and surely there ator from Kentucky [Mr. DIXON] told us that this is nothing left of it. It was a bare afterthought, came from the North, and therefore the South permit me to say. After the report of the com- were absolved from their obligation. I must say mittee had been made, and the bill had been al- I think you understand well that the North know tered, it was necessary to get up some other reason nothing about this baso conspiracy to betray or pretext than was set forth in the report, in order them. When did it come up? Did you let it go to show why it was proposed to repeal the Mis- before the people, that they might pass upon the souri compromise. I do not like to be uncharita- question. Why, sir, in the Presidential elecble--I do not like to be compelled to argue in that tion, triumphant as the Democracy were, I ask way; but when I see these crooked tracks, what any gentleman of the North, suppose you had inference can I draw? Most assuredly, that the staked the election of Mr. Pierce upon this quescommittee had no determinate, settled purpose as tion, how many votes could he have received in to the necessity of altering this compromise when the North? Not one. You gave us no notice of they first reported. They had no good and suffi- any such thing. The people of the North, even cient reason to propose a repeal of it; for if they now, do not know what nefarious projects are had they would have said so at once. Now, how afoot here in the Capitol. You of the South are are we to view this matter? Can we view it in not absolved, because one or two men, very any other light? honorable men, stand forth here and say "I am ready to go in and make this monstrous proposition." Sir, in the days of the Revolution, Major Andre was hung by the neck until he was dead, for accepting a proposition not more base than this, which is a gross betrayal of the rights of the whole North. And yet that is the only reason which the Senator from Kentucky gives why he should vote for this bill. He will not pretend to tell us that he would abrogate and violate the great pledge which has been kept on the part of the North, unless northern men stood here authorized, as he thinks, to relieve them from that pledge. Í tell him that they are not authorized to do any such thing. I tell him that those whose agents they are, know nothing about this, and do not know what treason to the North is hatching here.

Here is a Territory large as an empire; as large, I believe, as all the free States together. It is pure as nature; it is beautiful as the garden of God. There is nothing now to prevent us doing with it what will minister to the best interests of the people now or hereafter. Our forefathers expressed their opinion as to what was best to be done with it. They believed it should be fenced up from the intrusion of this accursed scourge of mankind, human slavery. They have done this effectually in this Territory. Shall we undo their work? The southern States have had the benefit of the Missouri compromise, and I now appeal to my southern Whig friends whether we of the North did not pledge our constituents that you were honorable men; that you would stand by all the guarantees of the Constitution, and all the duties which properly devolve upon you; and that, above all, the chivalry of the South would never be attempted, by any fancied or real interest, to abandon the terms of any compact, when they had received the benefit on their side, and when its terms re-persons occupying the relation of master and slave, main to be fulfilled by them.

My colleague stated the other day that it was 8. matter of fact, which everybody knew, that the peculiar interest which we had at the North to prevent slavery encroaching upon this great Territory, is, that the moment you cover it over with the freemen of the North cannot go there. He This is a doctrine which I have frequently announced that great truth in this body. Gentlepreached. My amazement was very great when men know it to be a truth, and they do not gainI heard that any of these gentlemen were in coun- say it. Gentlemen know that the high-minded cil with the enemy. I feared that something had free man of the North, although not blessed with taken place which ought not to have taken place. property, has nevertheless a soul, and that he canfelt strong in heart to appeal to them against any not stoop to labor side by side with your miserafancied interest which they might conceive them-ble serf. He has never done it-he never will do selves to have, for their duty is plain and palpa-it. It was an unlucky word from the gentleman ble. Did not our forefathers make a compact? from Kentucky when he said, if he cannot labor Did they not make it after a fearful struggle which in that way, let him go somewhere else. Is that was dangerous to this Union. I say, was there not such a compact made? And in the whole history of our legislation, I appeal to you, has there ever been one more sacred or more binding upon you? Have you, southern Senators, not had the full benefit of it? Have you not enjoyed it now for thirty years? Has any northern man stepped forward to impair your rights in that compromise? No, sir, it is not pretended; and now the period is drawing near when that part of this great bargain which is beneficial to us at the North is approaching, and I call upon you as honorable men to fulfil it. Shrink not from it. Do not tell me that your constituents will not sanction you in

the democracy of the Chairman of the Committee on Territories? Let him tell the yeomanry of Illinois-the hard-fisted laboring man of that great State-that this is the principle upon which he acts; that this Territory is to be covered over with slaves and with masters, and that his proud constituency are to go out there and work side by side, degrading themselves by working upon a level with your miserable slaves. Let him do so, and it is a declaration which I think will tingle in the ears of Democracy, and the people will come to understand that you are legislating for the privileged aristocracy of the South, to the exclusion of the whole North.