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Affairs of the Irish parliament-Motion of Mr. T. Townshend regarding the lord lieutenant's message-Debates on it—Mr. Fox's motion to inquire into the ill success of his majesty's arms in America-Copies of the treaties with German potentates for troops laid before the house-Debates thereon-Duke of Grafton's motion for an address to his majesty-Mr. Hartley's in the commons-Mr. Sawbridge's motion-Motion for a militia in Scotland rejected-Mr. Wilkes's project of parliamentary reform -Duchess of Kingston's trial-Unseasonable motions by general Conway and Mr. Hartley--Supplies, &c.-Prorogation of parliament-King's speech-Sentiments of foreign powers-Favorers of the American cause in England-Dr. Price's publicationDr. Johnson's Taxation no Tyranny'-Alderman Wilkes's philippic against the corporation of London-Domestic eventsRetirement of Garrick from the stage-State of the British and Americans at Boston-Difficulties of Washington's situation— Fortification of Dorchester heights-Evacuation of Boston by the British-Important advantages resulting from it to the insurgents-Mission of Indian chiefs-Affairs of Canada-Franklin's letter to M. Dumas-Arnold's unsuccessful attack on QuebecRetreat of the Americans-Affair of captain Forster, and bad conduct of the Americans-Vigorous measures taken by general Carleton to expel them from his province-Failure of an attack on the British by general Thompson-Arnold's retreat to Crown Point, and command of lake Champlain-Pursued by the British under general Carleton-Preparation of a flotilla by this latter officer-Naval operations on the lake-Arnold defeated, and Crown Point abandoned-Affairs in the southern states-Operations of general Clinton and sir Peter Parker-Attempted conquest of Charlestown-Attack on Sullivan's Island, which fails -Expedition under general Howe and admiral lord Howe against New York-Manifesto of congress to prepare the public mind for independence-Thomas Paine's pamphlet, &c.-Question of independence proposed and carried in the congress-Declaration published-Lord Howe's declaration-His address to Washington, and correspondence with Franklin-Defeat of the Americans

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on Long Island-Their retreat to New York-General Sullivan's CHAP. mission to congress-Conference on Staten Island-Diplomatic agency of the United States-Views of France-First measures in 1775 for the organisation of American diplomacy-Dr. Franklin, Arthur Lee, and M. Dumas-M. de Beaumarchais-Silas Deane's mission to France-Three commissioners sent in 1776— Mr. Lee's mission to Spain-Proceedings of the commissioners in France-British attack and capture of New York-Washington's retreat-Action at White Plains-Capture of fort WashingtonWashington retreats behind the Delaware-Capture of general Lee-Acts of the congress-State of the American armyWashington recrosses the Delaware-His brilliant success at Trenton and Princeton-His winter campaign in the JerseysMeeting of the British parliament-King's speech-Address and debates thereon-Lord John Cavendish's motion for revising the acts of which the colonists complained-Secession of a party of opposition members from parliament-Rope-yard at Portsmouth burnt by John the painter-Projected expedition for the discovery of a north-west passage.

Ireland.

WHEN parliament met after its Christmas recess, its Affairs of first important measure related to Ireland. In that country, as we have seen, a considerable change had taken place regarding the form by which its government was administered; and this had been effected by a profuse expenditure. During the administration of lord Townshend, £500,000 was lavished in reducing the power of the oligarchy through the corruption of parliament; and by extravagance in granting premiums and bounties, united with that of the viceroy in procuring adherents for government, a redundancy of about £500,000 was within twentythree years converted into a debt of nearly £1,000,000. When the country was so deeply embarrassed, the public revenue became insufficient for the expenditure, and the government was reduced to the ruinous expedient of successive loans.1 It was not to be expected but that Ireland would share in the sensations excited by the American contest, from the state of its finances, and the disposition of its people: during the government of lord Harcourt, strong parties were formed, and accounts were frequently transmitted of the defection and migration both of laborers and manu

1 Miller's History philosophically illustrated, vol. iv. p. 466.

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CHAP. facturers: but for the last few years no important transaction had occurred; and when lord North brought in his bill for restraining the commerce of New England, among other measures taken to counterbalance the inconveniences that might ensue, he granted bounties to Irish ships engaged in the fisheries of Newfoundland and Greenland; removing also some restraints, which in other respects affected Irish commerce: as the American contest however advanced, the parliament and citizens of Dublin began again to harass government with cabals and remonstrances.

On the tenth of October, 1775, the lord-lieutenant met the two houses; when, after recapitulating the benefits lately derived from the liberality of the British government, he reprobated the rebellious spirit of the colonists, and recommended attention to the discharge of arrears. A money bill was transmitted to England: but, having been altered in council, it was on its return rejected; which prevented an immediate supply.

On the twenty-third of November, lord Harcourt sent a message to the commons, requiring, in his majesty's name, 4000 troops for the American service, to be taken into British pay; and offering, if it were the desire of parliament, to replace them by continental auxiliaries. The house with reluctance consented to this diminution of their national force; but, leaving the ministerial party in a minority, refused to admit the foreign substitutes: opposition, however, unsuccessfully attempted to obtain an act for embodying the militia.

As this message, proposing the employment of Irish troops obviously meant that they were to be paid by England, which was nothing less than an engagement by the crown to dispose of public money without the consent of the commons, Mr. T. Townshend moved, on the fifteenth of February, that the lord-lieutenant's message was a breach of privilege. The arguments by which he supported his motion were drawn from the principles and practice of the constitution concerning pecuniary grants, and the designs which such

attempts to counteract them displayed: he also commented on the folly of taking 8000 men into pay, when only 4000 were required. The debate was animated; nor did the ministerial orators all take the same ground: some contended, that the Irish speaker had mistaken the viceroy's message, which merely meant that his majesty would pay the 4000 foreigners; others, that when the Irish establishment was increased, the king had engaged to maintain 12,000 troops in that kingdom, except in case of an invasion or rebellion in England; and the present demand not being within those exceptions, it was necessary that his majesty should be absolved from his promise: an application to the English house of commons would have been a violation of that promise.

On the other side, it was said, that the message was an experiment, made to establish a pernicious precedent: that it was the aim of government to habituate both countries to certain notions, which might destroy the independence of parliament in each. The scheme had a tendency to invest the crown with a power of taxing both countries: in Ireland, the minister was to ask some favor; then England was to be pledged: in England, Ireland was to be taxed, in order to maintain the supremacy of the British legislature. The various modes of defence used by the ministerial party were very successfully ridiculed; and in answer to an insinuation made by Mr. Dunning, that although this message had been disavowed here, the lord-lieutenant would not have risked it on his own judgment, lord North acknowleged that his majesty's servants in England acted in co-operation with those in Ireland, though they did not consider themselves responsible for the conduct of the latter: he however justified the message on the ground of expediency, though averse to a discussion of the right. Mr. Thurlow, who had for some time been a mean and ready tool of ministers, treated the motion as a party squib, denying that the preamble to an Irish law was binding on the British parliament. The motion was negatived.

On the twentieth of February, Mr. Fox's motion

CHAP.

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Debates on
America,

&c.

came on, to inquire into the causes of the ill-success of our arms in North America, and the defection of the Canadians. Avoiding every extraneous subject, he confined himself to an inquiry whether the proceedings of ministers had produced the desired effects: beginning with the Boston-port bill, he pursued a detail of ministerial operations; and placed in a strong light, what he called folly in the cabinet, as well as inability in forming plans: at the same time he inveighed against the disgraceful servility of parliament; and concluded by observing that none objected to inquiry, but those who were culpable themselves.

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Unable to resist Mr. Fox's reasoning, ministers attempted to elude it; but exhibited a want of coincidence in argument. Lord North was much less decisive in his defence than were many of his coadjutors, who more than once endeavored to recall him from his tone of moderation: as in his measures he had betrayed a disposition to conciliate, which was counteracted by his more violent abettors; so in discussion he frequently endeavoured to palliate rather than to defend: his hesitation probably arose from some doubts regarding the wisdom of the plans pursued. On the present occasion, he admitted that miscarriages had happened; but it was impossible to foresee every event; and he was ready to resign office, whenever the house should withdraw its confidence: there was no danger, however, of this extremity; for an appeal to the candor of the house produced a rejection of Mr. Fox's motion, by 240 to 104.

On the twenty-ninth of February, were submitted copies of treaties for the purchase of troops, made by his Britannic majesty with the duke of Brunswick, the landgrave of Hesse Cassel, the hereditary prince of Hesse Cassel, and subsequently with the prince of Waldeck. These potentates stipulated to supply a force of 17,742 men; but the terms appeared extravagantly high: levy money was to be paid at the rate of £7. 4s. 4d. a man: all extraordinary losses in battle, or otherwise, to be compensated by the king. Each of the despots was to obtain, in addition, an annual

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